Who Wrote 2 Thessalonians?

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

The question of who wrote 2 Thessalonians stands at the intersection of historical inquiry, theological interpretation, and the development of early Christian identity. Although the letter presents itself as written by “Paul, Silvanus, and Timothy” (2 Thess. 1:1), and although it has long been transmitted within the Pauline corpus, modern scholarship has long questioned its authorship.

In this article, I’ll explain the principal arguments for and against Paul’s authorship of the letter, evaluating the theological, linguistic, and historical evidence. While definitive certainty may remain elusive, careful engagement with the evidence can allow us to make a more informed assessment of one of the New Testament’s most enduring scholarly questions: who wrote 2 Thessalonians?

Scholarship on the Letters of Paul

While there are 13 letters in the New Testament in which authors claim to be the apostle Paul, scholars since the 19th century have questioned whether all of these were indeed written by him. In the case of the undisputed letters (Romans, 1 and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon), there is almost unanimous agreement that Paul wrote them. However, on the question of the authorship of the other six Pauline letters (Ephesians, Colossians, 2 Thessalonians, 1 & 2 Timothy, Titus), the debate continues. This brings us to the case of 2 Thessalonians.

A majority of scholars believe there is ample evidence to prove that Paul did not write 2 Thessalonians and that it was written in Paul’s name by an author living after Paul’s death. If so, these scholars generally believe that the letter was written around 80–115 CE.

Nevertheless, there is a significant number of scholars who defend genuine Pauline authorship of this letter. They argue for a date of composition around 51–52 CE, not long after 1 Thessalonians was written. In the interest of fairness, I want to explore both sides of this issue here, giving both sides their due and letting you, the reader, decide for yourself.

Arguments Against Pauline Authorship

For centuries, most readers of 2 Thessalonians saw no reason to doubt that Paul had written it. Since Paul’s authorship of this letter was never in question, there was no reason to argue for it, any more than one would argue that the sun rises in the east – it was obvious.

However, as I said above, many biblical scholars have since found reason to doubt that Paul wrote this letter. In fact, the case for Pauline authorship is mostly a set of arguments against the findings of more skeptical scholars. For this reason, I’ll start with those scholars who argue that someone other than Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians, and then look at counterarguments.

For both sides, the argument begins with the broad acceptance of 1 Thessalonians as written by Paul (it is probably the oldest letter written by Paul still in existence). This consensus is vital, as it gives scholars something to which they can compare 2 Thessalonians.

In Forgery and Counterforgery, Bart Ehrman writes that one of the main issues in determining the authorship of 2 Thessalonians is its view of the second coming of Christ. Let’s look first at Paul’s idea of what will happen when Christ returns in 1 Thessalonians 5:1–6:

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This is important for Paul’s theology: Christ’s second coming is imminent. It’s going to happen very soon. It will also happen suddenly and unexpectedly, “like a thief in the night” or “as labor pains come upon a pregnant woman.” For this reason, Paul tells his churches to “stay awake,” in other words, to continue to behave righteously and focus on living godly lives so that they will benefit when Christ returns. He says similar things about how soon the end will come in Romans 13:11–12 (“the night is far gone; the day is near.”) and Philippians 4:5 (“The Lord is at hand (or near).”).

However, in 2 Thessalonians 2:3–4, the author claiming to be Paul seems to have a different perspective on the “day of the Lord:”

In this passage, Christ’s return won’t happen until another event, one that will function as a signal of the impending end of the world, occurs. In other words, not until believers in Christ see this rebellion of “the lawless one,” can they know that Jesus is about to return and there is no telling when this will happen. This is a very different idea, and seems to contradict what the undisputed Paul of 1 Thessalonians says about the suddenness and imminence of the eschaton (the Greek word for the end of the world).

In addition to this theological difference between 1 and 2 Thessalonians, skeptical scholars point to the closing greeting of 2 Thessalonians as reason for doubt:

Like most, if not all, of Paul’s authentic letters, this one appears to have been dictated to a scribe. Then, as Paul does at the end of a few other letters including Galatians, 1 Corinthians, and Philemon, Paul sits down himself and writes his own short greeting as a personal touch. However, the problem is the insert the author uses afterwards, insisting that this is how he always ends his letters.

In A Brief Introduction to the New Testament, Bart Ehrman notes that “what is peculiar is that [the author] claims this to be his invariable practice, even though he does not appear to have ended most of his other letters this way, including 1 Thessalonians!” Ehrman goes on to write that these words

In addition, in The Thessalonian Correspondence, Daryl Schmidt compared the syntactical structure of 2 Thessalonians – that is, its overall sentence structures – with those of the seven undisputed Pauline letters. It’s a very technical analysis and a bit difficult for most of us to fully understand, but his conclusions are clear: the sentence structures of 2 Thessalonians are very different from those of the undisputed letters, including 1 Thessalonians. Schmidt therefore concluded that it is very unlikely that Paul wrote 2 Thessalonians.

Despite this evidence, however, a substantial number of scholars still defend the idea that Paul is the person who wrote 2 Thessalonians. Let’s look at their arguments.

Arguments For Pauline Authorship

One historical piece of evidence for the authenticity of 2 Thessalonians is that Marcion of Sinope (85-160 CE), a theologian who argued that the God of the Old Testament was not the God of the New Testament, included 2 Thessalonians in his biblical canon. Why does this matter? Because Marcion, living just a few decades after Paul, had come to believe, probably based on traditions passed down to him, that this letter was authentic. In addition, the letter is included in the Muratorian Fragment, an early canon list from the 2nd century.

Additionally, some scholars see the author’s closing greeting to 2 Thessalonians as validation for Pauline authorship rather than evidence of a forgery. In The New Testament: Its Background, Growth, & Content, eminent biblical scholar Bruce Metzger takes this position. Moreover, in his 2008 article “’In My Own Hand': Grapho-Literacy and the Apostle Paul,” Chris Keith notes that there are numerous parallels to the author’s clumsy-seeming signature line in letters by other ancient authors:

Furthermore, in his article “Who Wrote 2 Thessalonians: A Fresh Look at an Old Problem”, Paul Foster writes that differences in eschatology between 1 and 2 Thessalonians merely show that Paul’s theology had developed further by the time he wrote the second letter:

In other words, the differences actually confirm Pauline authorship, in that Paul’s ideas had grown over time, which could be seen as the mark of a good theologian.

Conclusion: Who Wrote 2 Thessalonians?

Scholars delineate three categories of Pauline literature in the New Testament. The first is the undisputed letters, those which virtually every biblical scholar admits were written by Paul. The second is sometimes called the disputed letters or the Deutero-Pauline letters, those whose authenticity is still debated. Finally, there are the Pastoral Letters, which a large majority of scholars classify as written by someone other than Paul.

Second Thessalonians falls into the second category. While a majority of biblical scholars doubt that Paul wrote this letter, there are still many scholars who continue to believe in and champion the letter’s authenticity.

Arguments against Pauline authorship during discussions about who wrote 2 Thessalonians include discrepancies in eschatology between 1 and 2 Thessalonians; 2 Thessalonians emphasizes not the sudden arrival of “the day of the Lord,” but rather a required sign that will indicate its arrival. In addition, many scholars think that the author’s post-script, “This is the mark in every letter of mine; it is the way I write,” is a clumsy insert by a forger to convince readers of Paul’s authorship. Finally, the overall sentence structures of 2 Thessalonians are different from that of the seven undisputed letters of Paul.

On the other hand, arguments abound for the letter’s genuineness. Some argue that despite how clumsy it may appear to modern readers, Paul’s post-script was merely part of ancient letter-writing etiquette for those afraid of forgers writing in their names. In addition, a couple of early canon lists included 2 Thessalonians as a genuine Pauline letter. Finally, at least one scholar argues that the very differences which some scholars believe to be evidence that the letter was not written by Paul merely show Paul’s development as a theologian over time.

Unfortunately, though, it’s almost impossible to discern for certain who wrote the letter. As Bart Ehrman writes in his New Testament textbook, “We obviously don’t know who actually wrote this letter if it wasn’t Paul.”

If you’re interested in learning more about Paul’s theology, check out Bart Ehrman’s online course “Paul and Jesus.”

Who Wrote 1 Thessalonians? (Authentic or Forgery?)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

Among the writings of the New Testament, 1 Thessalonians has a remarkable historical and scholarly position. Its value, therefore, extends far beyond its modest length: 1 Thessalonians provides an unparalleled window into the beliefs, practices, social composition, and eschatological expectations of the earliest Christ-following communities. Knowing the significance of this book, I want to address the most basic of questions: Who wrote 1 Thessalonians?

In this article, I’ll situate 1 Thessalonians within its historical, social, and literary context, explaining the circumstances surrounding the founding of the Thessalonian community, the issues that prompted the writing of the letter, and the theological concerns it addresses. In doing so, I’ll highlight how a single short letter can illuminate both the lived experience of the earliest Christian communities and some of the methodological foundations of modern New Testament scholarship.

Background: Why Was 1 Thessalonians Written?

Despite its brevity, 1 Thessalonians is a veritable goldmine for historians. Why? Because it was written in 49 or 50 CE, making it the oldest book in the New Testament and the oldest surviving Christian writing of any kind. It therefore gives us a wealth of clues about early Christian beliefs regarding Christ, the Second Coming (Greek: Parousia), and the general resurrection. It also gives us information about how the Christian community in Thessaloniki began, which, in turn, helps us understand how Paul probably formed similar communities in other cities.

Working our way through all the historical evidence, we’ll discover whether or not Paul wrote 1 Thessalonians, as the letter’s author claims. Let’s begin our discussion with what we can figure out from the letter’s content.

Thessaloniki was a port city. It was on the shore of the Aegean Sea in the Roman province of Macedonia in northern Greece. In fact, it was the capital of the province and was therefore dedicated to the Roman imperial cult. However, in the HarperCollins Study Bible, Edgar Krentz notes that despite its ties to Roman power, it remained a Greek city culturally and was governed by Greek law.

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In the first chapter, Paul greets the Thessalonians in a way that is typical of Pauline letters (including those that are likely forgeries) and likewise goes on to tell them how he constantly thanks God for them and prays for them. So far, so good. In 1:8–10, we get our first historical clue about the members of the Thessalonian church:

This reference about idols confirms that this church was made up almost entirely of Gentiles. Why? Because Jews would have worshipped at the Thessalonian synagogue, and idol worship was strictly prohibited for them. This is one of the places where the letters of Paul often come into conflict with the writings about Paul in the book of Acts. According to Acts 17:1–4, Paul and his fellow missionary, Silas, started their visit to Thessaloniki by trying to convert Jews in the local synagogue to Christ:

However, there are reasons to doubt this version of the story. The very fact that Paul in 1 Thessalonians claims that the members of this community formerly worshipped idols means that Jews were not a part of it (or were, at most, a tiny part of it). So if the Thessalonian church was mainly made up of Gentiles, how did Paul initially meet those he converted? That information can be inferred from 2:9:

What does this tell us? Rather than simply remaining idle when he was not preaching, Paul worked to support himself while he was living there. Acts 18:2–3 says he was a tent maker. Paul himself never says this in any of his letters, but since he confirms that he did some kind of work, there is no reason to doubt it. In A Brief Introduction to the New Testament, Bart Ehrman argues that while working, Paul probably met and “talked to his customers, convincing them about the Christian message.” In addition, he probably met other people doing the same kind of manual work and persuaded them to come to the meetings as well.

Paul had evidently started the Thessalonian church, along with fellow missionaries Silvanus (called Silas in Acts) and Timothy, after a bad experience in the city of Philippi (1 Thess 2:2, Acts 16:11-40). They then moved on to other cities, eventually ending up in Athens. In the meantime, however, Paul had begun to worry about how the Thessalonian church was doing in his absence. He therefore sent Timothy to check on them. Timothy returned with a good report (3:6–7), but told Paul that the Thessalonians were worried that Paul had not returned to them (2:17–18). This is why Paul felt the need to write them a letter.

Apparently, when Timothy returned to Paul, he also brought news that the Thessalonians had some questions about Christ’s Second Coming and the general resurrection that was to follow. Specifically, since Paul had left them, a few members of their community had died. Paul believed that Christ’s return was imminent, writing in 1 Corinthians 15:20, for example, that “in fact Christ has been raised from the dead, the first fruits of those who have died.” In other words, he believed that Jesus’ resurrection was the signal that the general resurrection was about to begin. So, the Thessalonians nervously wondered, would those who had already died still be saved?

Why did Paul write 1 Thessalonians? One of the reasons, as Bart Ehrman writes, is that the letter “assures the Thessalonians that they can retain their hope in the apocalyptic end of the world to be brought by Jesus” and that those who have died will be included in the resurrection. In Paul’s own words,

Scholars have long debated what the details of this passage signify, but as David Fox Sandmel writes in the Jewish Annotated New Testament, Paul is “less concerned to provide details of the events of the messiah’s return; he is rather trying to reassure those Thessalonians who are concerned about the ultimate fate of their fellow believers.”

Having understood the occasion and background of 1 Thessalonians, let’s move on to the main question of its authorship.

Who Wrote 1 Thessalonians?

In terms of content, 1 Thessalonians principally addresses themes addressed by Paul in his authentic letters. First and foremost, he talks about the end of the world and the Second Coming of Christ, a topic he will also revisit in 1 Corinthians 15:23–28 and Philippians 3:20–21.

Another topic commonly addressed in authentic Pauline writings is the need to live ethically to prepare for the coming end of the world. In 1 Thessalonians, the focus is on sexual immorality. In 4:3–5, Paul writes

The Greek word translated as “body” in this passage is skeuos, which means “vessel” or “implement.” Bart Ehrman writes that there are good reasons for translating this word as “body,” but that there are equally good reasons for believing that Paul is talking specifically about the male sexual organ. Additionally, some scholars believe it should be translated as “wife,” in the sense of staying faithful to one’s wife (or possibly keeping her under control). Either way, the general meaning of the passage is clear, and it’s a topic Paul addresses in other letters as well, such as 1 Corinthians 5:1–13, 1 Corinthians 6:9–20, Galatians 5:19–21, and Romans 1:24–27.

In short, 1 Thessalonians addresses content that Paul consistently tackles elsewhere as well. The major difference between this letter and many of the other undisputed Pauline letters is that Paul does not rail against false teachers. Remember, though, that this is fairly early in his missionary career, and the Thessalonian community is still relatively new. Because of that, it doesn’t appear that any false teachers had come to the Thessalonian community yet.

In addition to the content of the letter, the writing style of 1 Thessalonians is consistent with the other undisputed Pauline letters. In An Introduction to the New Testament, Raymond Brown writes that the style of the letter is consistent with Paul’s writing style, consisting mainly of short, declarative sentences (“Do not quench the Spirit. Do not despise prophecies”).

All in all, I am comfortable saying that 1 Thessalonians is an undisputed Pauline letter. So far, I’ve been unable to find a single scholar who disagrees with that opinion.

By the way, if you’re interested in learning more about Paul, check out Bart Ehrman’s online course “Paul and Jesus.”

What About 2 Thessalonians?

The letter that purports to be a second letter from Paul to the Thessalonians, on the other hand, is generally believed not to have been written by him. Later on, I’ll write a more detailed article explaining why, but here is a brief summary of the reasons.

In his book Forged: Writing in the Name of God--Why the Bible’s Authors Are Not Who We Think They Are, Bart Ehrman writes that one of the main things differentiating 2 Thessalonians from the 1 Thessalonians is the author’s view of the Second Coming. Specifically, while 1 Thessalonians thinks the end could happen at any moment and will happen unexpectedly, 2 Thessalonians tells the community that they’ll have to wait until certain signs give a clear indication that Christ is coming. These are two very different views.

In addition, the syntactic style of the two letters, that is, the author’s choices in terms of sentence length and arrangement, are very different, according to Darryl Schmidt in The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian Piety. Schmidt thus concludes that it is extremely unlikely that the two letters were written by the same person.

Conclusion

The letter known as 1 Thessalonians is a fascinating text. Christians have taken spiritual inspiration and instruction from this letter for 2,000 years. Historians, meanwhile, have learned a lot about early Pauline churches and early Christianity in general from this relatively short document.

It turns out that 1 Thessalonians is not only the first letter of Paul’s that we have, but also the oldest surviving Christian writing of any kind. Written around 49 or 50 CE, it addresses questions from a Christian community that had been recently founded by Paul. Members of the community, expecting the impending arrival of Christ and the end of the world, were now concerned since some of them had died before Christ’s arrival. Would those who have died still be saved?

Paul is able to reassure them: those who have died will in fact be raised with Christ first, followed by those like Paul himself, who are still alive. In addition, Paul encourages them to remain faithful to Christ, especially by remaining pure in the realm of sexuality, in order to be prepared for Christ’s arrival.

In terms of discussions about who wrote 1 Thessalonians,, no scholar of note believes that someone other than Paul did. Its style and content match that of many other undisputed Pauline letters, including Galatians, Romans, and 1 and 2 Corinthians. For scholars, therefore, this letter is a fascinating look into the theological and practical issues confronted by one of the earliest Christian communities formed by Paul.

Colossians: Summary of All Four Chapters

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

The Epistle to the Colossians occupies a distinctive and contested position within the Pauline corpus. Questions concerning its authorship, date, and historical setting have generated sustained scholarly debate. These questions of authenticity are not merely ancillary; they significantly shape interpretations of the letter’s theology, social outlook, and historical aims.

In this article, I’ll give a summary of Colossians, situating it within the scholarly debates surrounding authorship and historical context and offering a systematic overview of its contents, chapter by chapter. Through this approach, I’ll clarify the letter’s theological claims, rhetorical strategies, and ethical concerns, while also highlighting the ways in which Colossians reflects broader developments in early Christianity. We’ll see why it remains a significant text for understanding the formation of Christian theology, community life, and social practice in the 1st century CE.

By the way, if you’re interested in learning more about Paul, check out Bart Ehrman’s online course “Paul and Jesus.”

Date and Authenticity of Colossians

In an earlier article on who wrote Colossians, I noted that a significant majority of biblical scholars believe that Paul was not the author. Colossians is usually classified as a Deutero-Pauline epistles, which are those that claim to be written by Paul but probably weren’t. However, I have to acknowledge that Pauline authorship of this letter is still debated and far from certain.

affUnfortunately, though, the authorship of Colossians does at least partially determine its date of composition. If it was written by Paul, it was certainly written late in his life. The author claims to be writing from prison, and scholars who believe in the letter’s authenticity say that it was likely written in the early 60s CE, when Paul was in prison in Rome (for this view, see for example N.T. Wright’s commentary on Colossians and Philemon).

However, if Colossians was not written by Paul, it was likely written in his name after his death,  which is traditionally said to have occurred around 64 CE. In the HarperCollins Study Bible, J. Paul Sampley argues that Colossians was written “at a post-Pauline time when women’s roles were diminished and when relationships within the [Christian] household were once again accommodated to the wider culture.” Based on such conclusions, Burton Mack argues in his book Who Wrote the New Testament?: The Making of the Christian Myth, that Colossians was written late in the 1st century, sometime between 80 and 100 CE.

Having discussed the issues of authorship and dating, let’s now look into some general background before beginning our summary of Colossians.

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Audience and Occasion of Colossians

Who were the Colossians? Colossae was a small town in western Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). The author (for the sake of convenience I’ll call him “Paul” for the rest of this article) is writing to a Christian community in Colossae, although he did not establish this community. Instead, Paul says it was started by a Colossian citizen named Epaphras (1:7-8).

Like many Pauline letters, the occasion for this letter is a controversy confronting that Colossian Christian community. Some opponents of Paul have apparently been in Colossae propagating a false teaching, seemingly a form of Jewish mysticism, according to Bart Ehrman’s Brief Introduction to the New Testament. The purpose of the letter, then, is to argue against these teachings and for Paul’s own teaching. The best way to outline both angles is to summarize the four chapters of the letter.

Colossians Chapter 1

The letter starts with a typical Pauline greeting, naming himself and Timothy as authors, mentioning the community in Colossae as the addressees, and wishing them grace and peace from God. Paul begins by noting that he thanks God for the community and the “fruit” that the gospel is bearing through them. He also notes that they were taught initially by Epaphras, whom he calls both a “beloved fellow servant” and a “minister of Christ on our behalf.” This indicates that while Epaphras established the community, he did it consciously based on Paul’s teachings.

Paul goes on to say that he constantly prays for the Colossian group, asking for them to receive divine wisdom and strength in order to bear the trials that have come upon them. He then transitions into a theological statement on the cosmic supremacy of Christ.

This statement gives Christ several grand titles, beginning with “the image of the invisible God, the firstborn of all creation” (1:15). He also claims that, in Christ, everything in the universe was created and continues to be sustained. Christ is also said to be “the head of the body, the church… the beginning, the firstborn from the dead” (1:18). Christ has furthermore reconciled all things in heaven and earth to himself through his death on the cross. This majestic, cosmic role for Christ has more in common with the prologue of the Gospel of John than with many of the authentic letters of Paul.

Paul goes on to say that, because of Christ’s salvific death, Christians who continue steadily in the correct faith have been brought to God despite their sins. He calls himself “a minister of this gospel” here (1:23).

Finally, Paul writes that he celebrates his current sufferings on behalf of Christ and the church since God commissioned him to spread the gospel. He says that the goal of teaching and establishment of Christians in God energizes and motivates him.

Colossians Chapter 2

Paul begins this chapter by telling the Colossians that he has worked hard for them and those in the city of Laodicea (about 12 miles northwest of Colossae). He says he wants them to unite in love and understand the full mystery of God in Christ “so that no one may deceive you with plausible arguments” (2:4). This is the introduction to Paul’s argument against his opponents.

Paul warns the Colossians not to be taken in by “philosophy and empty deceit, according to human tradition, according to the elemental principles of the world” (2:8). Sampley notes that while the first part of this phrase refers to privileging human ideas over the divine, the second part – “the elemental principles of this world” – is a reference to the “widespread Greco-Roman notion that the universe is composed of celestial powers that rule life.”

Instead, believers must keep their focus upon Christ in whom “the fullness of deity dwells bodily” (2:9) and who is above all powers. He says that when Christians were “buried” with Christ through baptism, they were also raised with him. This is one of the theological points, by the way, that makes many scholars doubt that Paul actually wrote this letter. In the authentic letters of Paul, the resurrection is always a future event while for this author, it has already happened in a spiritual sense. As Ehrman notes, “the question many interpreters have raised over the years is: Which is it? Have Christians already been raised or not?”

Paul goes on to tell his readers not to let anyone denounce them for their practices – or lack thereof – around “food or drink… festivals, new moons, or Sabbaths” (2:16). In the Jewish Annotated New Testament, Peter Zaas notes that this means that “the Colossians want to eat, drink, and sanctify time like Jews.” In other words, the author’s opponents are Jews or Jewish Christians who argue that the Colossian community should continue Jewish practices.

In addition, the opponents apparently advocate “self-abasement and worship of angels” (2:18), something Paul insists is a deviation from life in Christ. Ehrman says that “self-abasement” here refers to asceticism — acts of self-denial, such as extreme fasting. Paul admits that if the Colossians take up such practices, they will appear wise but will not achieve the righteousness required by God.

Colossians Chapter 3

In chapter 3, Paul sums up what life should be like for one raised with Christ through baptism. This principally involves focusing on heavenly rather than earthly things since they have ostensibly “died” to earthly things. Accordingly, he says that the Colossians must “put to death” immoral behaviors like “sexual immorality, impurity, passion, evil desire, and greed (which is idolatry)” (3:5). This is apparently a list of the pre-baptism sins committed by members of the community, which they should have rejected after baptism.

He adds “anger, wrath, malice, slander, and abusive language,” (3:8) as well as lying, to the list of unrighteous behaviors that must be discarded. He then urges adoption of the opposite qualities: “compassion, kindness, humility, meekness, and patience” (3:12). He further urges them to forgive each other and live together in harmony.

Next we have what will later be known as the “household codes”: rules for the Christian household. These include wives being submissive to their husbands, children obeying their parents, and slaves obeying their masters (3:18-4:1), among others.

Colossians Chapter 4

This chapter begins with an injunction to pray frequently, and to include the author, who now writes that he is in prison, in their prayers. Meanwhile, they are to treat outsiders of the faith with wisdom. This probably means providing a good example of Christian life, as well as not following the ungodly examples of outsiders.

In the final farewell, Paul writes that a man named Tychius will be bringing the letter to Colossae and giving Paul news about the Colossians. Tychius is mentioned elsewhere in the New Testament as well (Acts 20:4, Eph 6:21-22, 2 Tim 4:12, Titus 3:12). Paul also refers to another person traveling with Tychius named Onesimus. This is the name of the runaway slave referred to in Paul’s letter to Philemon and may or may not be the same person.

Finally, Paul sends greetings to several specific people in Colossae, from some familiar names, including Mark, Epaphras, and Luke (4:10). Paul says that he signs the letter with his own hand, indicating that, as usual with Pauline literature, the letter was dictated to a scribe. Of course, since we don’t have an original manuscript of the letter, we can’t see Paul’s signature.

Conclusion

The Epistle to the Colossians is a letter written to a Christian community in the small city of Colossae. The author claims to be Paul, but, according to most scholars, was probably a much later author writing in Paul’s name.

The letter is written to counteract the influence of a Jewish or Jewish Christian group who were teaching the community about practices the author thought heretical. These included Jewish practices, including kosher laws around food and drink and celebrating the Jewish festivals. It also seems to have involved ascetic practices and even angel-worship. The author argues that since Christ is the all-powerful creator and ruler of the cosmos, allegiance to him alone is required.

This loyalty includes not only belief, but the rejection of immoral behaviors and the adoption of righteous ones, especially regarding the treatment of other people. He asks them to be kind and forgiving of each other.

Questions of the authorship of this letter have not diminished its significance in Christian life. Its injunctions to ethical conduct and reverence for Christ’s cosmic role accorded well with most forms of Christianity, while its “household codes” placed it well within the traditional patriarchal family structures of the Roman Empire.

2 Thessalonians: Chapter by Chapter Summary (Key Verses)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

What if I told you that a small Christian community in 1st-century Greece had the unusual experience of receiving not just one, but two letters that would later become part of the New Testament? 

This wasn’t a congregation in Athens or Sparta, but in Thessaloniki, a bustling port city whose followers of Jesus found themselves addressed repeatedly by an authoritative Christian voice.

The second of these letters is today known as 2 Thessalonians. We can only imagine what it must have been like to be part of such an exchange: to hear a text read aloud, to recognize familiar concerns reflected back by the author, and to wrestle with guidance that claimed lasting authority. 

Even though many of the concrete details surrounding this correspondence remain elusive, the letter itself opens a valuable window into the lived realities of early Christian communities. At first glance, 2 Thessalonians may appear to be a sequel, shorter, more restrained, and often overshadowed by its predecessor. 

Yet this impression is misleading. The letter engages some of the most pressing questions faced by early Christians, particularly those arising from expectation, disappointment, and uncertainty about the future.

In what follows, this article offers a chapter-by-chapter 2 Thessalonians summary, combining concise summaries with scholarly interpretation. 

Readers interested in the broader historical background of early Christianity may want to consider a related resource. If you are looking to explore the relationship between Jesus and Paul (the two most consequential figures in the formation of Christianity) through a strictly historical and scholarly lens, Bart D. Ehrman’s course Paul and Jesus: The Great Divide offers an in-depth exploration.

The course consists of eight carefully structured lectures, each about thirty minutes long, and focuses on how Jesus’ message and Paul’s interpretation of it both intersect and diverge in crucial ways.

By tracing these points of continuity and tension, the lectures illuminate how early Christianity developed and why the movement that emerged depended so fundamentally on both figures, despite their significant differences.

II Thessalonians: Brief Scholarly Overview

Before turning to the individual chapters, however, it’s important to situate the letter briefly within its historical and literary context. 

Questions of authorship, date, audience, and circumstances inevitably shape how the text is read, though each of these issues deserves fuller treatment than can be offered here.

As many readers know, the New Testament contains 13 letters traditionally attributed to Paul. Critical scholarship, however, has long recognized that not all of these epistles were written by Paul himself. 

On the basis of style, vocabulary, theology, and historical plausibility, most scholars today distinguish between a core group of seven “undisputed” Pauline letters and several others whose authorship is debated. 

Where, then, does 2 Thessalonians belong? For a significant number of critical scholars (though by no means all) the letter doesn’t stem directly from Paul. Instead, it’s often classified among the so-called Deutero-Pauline writings, texts composed in Paul’s name by a later author who sought to address new circumstances while drawing on Pauline authority.

This skeptical position has deep roots in modern New Testament scholarship. 

As Udo Schnelle explains in his Einleitung in das Neue Testament (Introduction to the New Testament), the Pauline authorship of 2 Thessalonians has been questioned since the early nineteenth century.

In Schnelle’s words:

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A similar judgment is articulated by Ernest Best, who underscores the importance of comparing 2 Thessalonians directly with 1 Thessalonians.

As he observes:

While there remain careful and respected scholars who defend Pauline authorship, it’s fair to say that a slight majority of critical scholars today remain unconvinced. Of course, this isn’t a matter to be settled by counting scholarly “votes.” However, a full evaluation of the evidence would require a separate and much more detailed discussion.

Questions of authorship inevitably shape how scholars approach the issues of date and historical setting.

If 2 Thessalonians was written by Paul himself, it would belong among his earliest extant writings, closely connected to the circumstances reflected in 1 Thessalonians.

If, however, the letter is pseudonymous, its date must be placed later, when new concerns had arisen within Pauline communities. 

As Raymond E. Brown suggests, in the latter case the letter likely reflects a “late first-century” context, “when increased apocalyptic fervor was manifest.” 

The eschatological clarification offered by the letter would then respond not to Paul’s own missionary situation, but to a later phase of Christian expectation and anxiety.

This contrast is articulated succinctly by Mark A. Powell, who, in his book Introducing the New Testament, notes:

Similar uncertainty surrounds the question of provenance. In the case of Paul’s undisputed letters, scholars can often propose a plausible place of composition by correlating the letters with what can be reconstructed about Paul’s movements and missionary activity.

With 2 Thessalonians, however, such reconstructions become far more tenuous if the letter is pseudonymous. Once Paul himself is no longer assumed to be the author, there is simply no reliable way to determine where the letter was written.

In other words, the text gives us theological and pastoral instruction, but it offers no firm external anchors that would allow us to locate its origin with confidence.

With these broader questions in view we can now turn from introductory matters to the text itself. The following sections will examine 2 Thessalonians chapter by chapter, offering concise summaries followed by a brief scholarly analysis.

2 Thessalonians 1: Summary & Commentary

Chapter 1 of 2 Thessalonians opens with a formal greeting followed by an extended thanksgiving that centers on the Thessalonian community’s steadfast faith and mutual love in the midst of ongoing persecution.

The author interprets their suffering not as evidence of their worthiness of God’s kingdom, reframing present hardship within an eschatological horizon. Moreover, the chapter emphasizes a future reversal in which God’s just judgment will bring relief to the afflicted believers while repaying those who oppress them.

This judgment is closely linked to the revelation of the Lord Jesus from heaven, accompanied by power and glory, underscoring both the certainty of divine vindication and the seriousness of rejecting the gospel. 

Finally, the chapter concludes with a prayer that God will fulfill every good resolve and work of faith among the Thessalonians, so that the name of the Lord Jesus may be glorified in them and they in him.

From a rhetorical perspective, 2 Thessalonians 1:3-12 functions as far more than a conventional thanksgiving. The author frames the community’s perseverance under persecution as evidence of God’s righteous judgment, thereby reinterpreting present suffering within an eschatological logic. 

As Charles Wanamaker has noted, the thanksgiving operates as a carefully constructed rhetorical strategy designed to shape how the audience understands its present experience: affliction isn’t accidental nor meaningless, but an indication that believers are aligned with the coming kingdom and will therefore be vindicated.

This move serves a dual purpose. It reassures the Thessalonians that divine justice is operative, even if not yet visible, while simultaneously reasserting interpretive control over their situation. 

By presenting endurance as a marker of worthiness rather than failure, the author stabilizes a community under pressure and redirects attention away from immediate distress toward a future divine rectification grounded in apocalyptic expectations of reversal.

At the same time, the chapter anticipates concerns that will surface more explicitly later in the letter by carefully delimiting the nature and timing of that future judgment.

The revelation of the Lord Jesus “from heaven” is portrayed as a decisive event that clarifies boundaries: between those who know God and those who do not, between allegiance and rejection, between inclusion and exclusion.

Significantly, the language of punishment emphasizes separation from the presence of the Lord rather than graphic depictions of torment, underscoring the relational dimension of judgment rather than its imagery. 

The chapter concludes with a prayer that reinforces its pastoral aim: the Thessalonians are encouraged to continue embodying faith through steadfast commitment, confident that God will bring their purposes to completion.

In this way, the first chapter already establishes the theological and emotional framework for the letter as a whole, affirming divine justice, reinforcing communal identity, and preparing readers for the corrective instruction that follows.

2 Thessalonians 2: Summary & Commentary

As we move through the exploration of 2 Thessalonians, chapter 2 addresses a growing concern within the community regarding the timing of the “Day of the Lord.”

The author warns the Thessalonians not to be unsettled by claims (whether attributed to prophetic utterance, teaching, or even a letter supposedly from Paul [on that, see “Did You Know? box”]) that the end has already arrived. 

In response, the chapter introduces a sequence of events that must precede the final consummation, including a period of rebellion and the revelation of a mysterious figure often called the “lawless one.”

By appealing to prior instruction and established tradition, the author seeks to restore order and clarity, emphasizing that divine purposes unfold according to a determined plan rather than human speculation.

Clinton E. Arnold rightly notes that the main idea of the second chapter is the following:

The chapter concludes by reaffirming God’s faithfulness and encouraging the believers to remain steadfast, grounding their hope not in apocalyptic rumor but in the assurance of divine calling and support.

From a critical point of view, this chapter functions as a corrective intervention aimed at stabilizing a community unsettled by claims that the “Day of the Lord” had already arrived. The author responds by contesting the assertion of present fulfillment.

Furthermore, the repeated emphasis on deception, instability, and agitation suggests a communal crisis in which eschatological claims had begun to undermine communal coherence. 

Rather than offering a detailed timetable of the end, the chapter reasserts a basic apocalyptic logic by claiming that certain conditions must precede the final consummation. As Leon Morris perceptively notes, the argument is structured to reassure readers that events are unfolding according to a divinely ordered sequence rather than human rumor or enthusiasm.

Central to this strategy is the introduction of apocalyptic figures and motifs (the “rebellion,” the “man of rebellion,” and the restraining force) that are invoked but not fully explained. As Ernest Best emphasizes, this deliberate allusiveness reflects dependence on prior instruction now inaccessible to modern readers, making precision of identification impossible.

In this chapter, the author insists that evil, though already active, is constrained and temporary. Additionally, judgment is portrayed as a controlled revelation, governed by an appointed time and culminating in the decisive defeat of forces opposed to God. 

The second chapter thus redirects eschatological anxiety away from immediacy (visible in 1 Thessalonians!) and toward endurance, encouraging believers to resist sensational claims and remain anchored in received teaching.

In this way, 2 Thessalonians 2 complements the opening chapter’s theology of perseverance by supplying an apocalyptic framework that both acknowledges present disorder and affirms the ultimate sovereignty of divine purpose.

2 Thessalonians 3: Summary & Commentary

The last chapter in 2 Thessalonians shifts from eschatological clarification to practical instruction aimed at restoring order within the community.

The author urges prayer for the successful spread of the message and expresses confidence in the Lord’s faithfulness to strengthen and protect the believers. Attention then moves to the problem of disruptive behavior, particularly among those who refuse to work and instead live in idleness while relying on others.

Drawing on the example set by the missionaries themselves, the chapter insists that responsible labor is a basic expectation of communal life and that persistent refusal to contribute warrants corrective action, though not exclusion from fellowship. 

The letter concludes with encouragement, a final prayer for peace, and a closing greeting that underscores the authority and authenticity of the instruction offered.

If we take a look at this chapter with our “scholarly glasses” on, we’ll notice it marks a decisive turn from eschatological clarification to the regulation of concrete communal behavior, revealing how theological expectation is translated into binding social norms. 

First and foremost, The opening appeal to prayer and divine faithfulness (3:1-5) functions as a legitimating frame for what follows: a series of authoritative injunctions aimed at restoring order.

Referring to the opening in chapter 3, Wolfgang Trilling explains:

To put it more bluntly, the problem addressed here isn’t simple laziness, but conduct described as disorderly. In other words, the author perceives this behavior as the one that disrupts the shared rhythm and obligations of community life in Thessaloniki. 

By invoking the example of the missionaries’ own labor (3:7-9), the author establishes work as an ethical norm with communal significance. Productive labor is presented, first and foremost, as a safeguard against dependency, exploitation, and the erosion of collective responsibility.

Moreover, the disciplinary measures outlined in 3:6-15 further clarify the chapter’s function. The instruction to “keep away” from persistent offenders introduces a graduated form of social sanction that stops short of expulsion but is nonetheless coercive. 

Shame is deployed as a corrective tool, intended to bring about conformity rather than exclusion. At the same time, the offender is explicitly not to be treated as an enemy, signaling a concern to preserve communal unity even while enforcing obedience.

Additionally, the repeated appeal to authoritative instruction (received, transmitted, and to be obeyed) suggests a community increasingly defined by adherence to established norms rather than spontaneous charismatic expression.

In this way, Chapter 3 completes the letter’s trajectory: eschatological misunderstanding has tangible social consequences, and doctrinal correction must therefore be accompanied by disciplined communal practice.

Conclusion

2 Thessalonians offers a compact yet revealing window into the challenges faced by early Christian communities as they navigated expectation, disappointment, and the need for order. Read chapter by chapter, the letter addresses persecution, eschatological confusion, and disruptive behavior as interconnected pressures that required authoritative guidance.

Whether or not the letter was written by Paul himself, its concerns reflect a moment when Christian identity was being clarified through appeals to tradition, discipline, and divine justice.

In this sense and from the author’s perspective, the 2 Thessalonians meaning isn’t confined to predictions about the end, but to the effort to sustain communal stability and faithful practice in a world where the future of God’s kingdom was eagerly anticipated but not yet realized. As German scholars like to say: “Schon jetzt – noch nicht (“Already, but not yet”).”

1 Thessalonians: Chapter by Chapter Summary (Key Verses)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

Recently, my colleague and I have been toying with the idea of organizing a twelve-day study trip for our students to North Macedonia and Greece. One of the stops we would love to include is Thessaloniki, a bustling city in northern Greece with an exceptionally long and layered history.

I remember explaining (perhaps a bit too enthusiastically) to my students at our last meeting that this very city was home to one of the earliest Christian communities, the recipients of 1 Thessalonians, one of Paul’s letters and, quite possibly, the earliest surviving Christian text we possess. 

My excitement, however, was met mostly with polite nods and expressions suggesting that ancient letters and the origins of Christianity weren’t, in fact, the highlight they had imagined for their future travels.

Still, their reaction says more about modern expectations than about the historical value of the text itself. For historians of early Christianity, 1 Thessalonians is a captivating source precisely because it’s so early, so unpolished, and so deeply embedded in the everyday realities of its audience.

Rather than presenting a fully developed theology or a neatly systematized set of beliefs, the letter offers something far more revealing: a snapshot of a young religious movement finding its footing in a complex social and religious landscape.

This article is designed to help readers navigate that world in a clear and structured way. After a brief overview of the letter’s historical background, we’ll move through 1 Thessalonians chapter by chapter, summarizing its contents, highlighting major themes, and offering concise scholarly commentary along the way.

The goal is to illuminate how this short letter works as a historical document and why it continues to matter for understanding the earliest followers of Jesus.

Before we dive in, let me point you to another excellent opportunity. If you’d like to explore the two most influential figures in the history of Christianity (Paul and Jesus) from a rigorous, scholarly perspective, Bart D. Ehrman’s course Paul and Jesus: The Great Divide is well worth your time.

Across eight engaging 30-minute lectures, the course examines both the striking continuities and the crucial differences between these two figures, helping to clarify how Christianity took the shape it did, and why it could not have developed without either of them.

1 Thessalonians: Brief Historical Overview

Before we set out to explore each chapter of 1 Thessalonians, it seems wise to pause briefly and provide a concise historical overview of this epistle. Doing so allows us to situate the letter within its original context and to clarify a few foundational issues that shape how it’s read and interpreted.

In terms of authorship, 1 Thessalonians occupies a rather secure position within New Testament scholarship. 

While several epistles attributed to Paul are widely regarded as pseudonymous, this is not the case here. Scholarly consensus has long held that Paul himself was the author of this letter.

As Udo Schnelle notes in his Einleitung in das Neue Testament (Introduction to the New Testament):

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This early and consistent attestation alongside internal unity places the letter on especially firm historical ground.

Closely related to the question of authorship are the issues of where and when the letter was written.

Paul’s chronology is a much-debated topic in New Testament studies, but by correlating evidence from his own letters with accounts preserved in the Acts of the Apostles, scholars can reconstruct his movements with some confidence.

The key question is whether Paul wrote 1 Thessalonians from Athens or from Corinth, a decision that also bears directly on its date of composition. Many scholars favor Corinth as the more likely place of writing.

Schnelle argues in favor of this conclusion, arguing:

A more cautious formulation is offered by Delbert Burkett, who notes that after leaving Thessalonica Paul traveled to Athens, from where he sent Timothy to assess the situation of the young church. 

When Timothy returned with favorable news, Paul wrote to the Thessalonian believers either from Athens or shortly thereafter from Corinth. In this reconstruction, 1 Thessalonians can be dated to approximately 50-51 C.E., making it the earliest writing in the New Testament and thus the earliest preserved document of Christianity.

Now that we have briefly established when and from where the letter was written, a few words are in order about its recipients. These details will help reveal the 1 Thessalonians meaning within the broader culture to those reading the epistle at that time.

The Christian community in Thessalonica had been founded by Paul himself and consisted largely of non-Jews living in a major urban center of the Roman Empire.

They inhabited a complex socio-religious environment shaped by traditional Greco-Roman cults, civic expectations, and imperial ideology. As Charles A. Wanamaker notes in his 1 Thessalonians Commentary:

These were the conditions that inevitably affected the experience of a newly formed Christian group.

With this historical framework in place, we’re now prepared to turn to a chapter-by-chapter exploration of 1 Thessalonians, examining how these circumstances are reflected in the letter itself.

Additionally, after each section, we’ll add a brief table highlighting two key verses from the chapter. You can think of those as small anchors in what might otherwise feel like unfamiliar terrain.

1 Thessalonians 1: Summary & Commentary

The opening chapter of 1 Thessalonians combines a brief epistolary greeting with an extended thanksgiving. 

After addressing the community in Thessalonica and offering the customary greeting of grace and peace, Paul expresses gratitude to God for the believers’ faith, love, and hope. He recalls how the gospel came to them with power and conviction, how they received it despite suffering, and how their response has made them an example to other believers.

The chapter concludes by describing their decisive break with former religious practices, their turn toward the worship of the living God, and their expectation of deliverance through Jesus at his future return.

Scholarly attention has long noted that the thanksgiving in this chapter is a carefully constructed theological introduction to the letter as a whole. 

In his Commentary, Ernest Best observes that Paul’s thanksgiving in 1:2-10 forms a single, syntactically complex sentence whose accumulation of clauses mirrors the urgency and enthusiasm of his thought. 

The well-known triad of faith, love, and hope isn’t presented as a group of abstract virtues but as active forces producing concrete effects: faith issues in work, love in labor, and hope in endurance.

By thanking God rather than the Thessalonians themselves, Paul emphasizes divine initiative. In other words, he highlights that what the community has become is ultimately the result of God’s action, not human achievement.

This emphasis on divine agency continues in Paul’s language of election and in his description of the gospel’s arrival. 

The message came as an event marked by power, the presence of the Spirit, and deep conviction. The focus here is on the effectiveness of the proclamation in transforming lives. 

The Thessalonians’ reception of the message, especially amid hardship, becomes the evidence that God’s choice is at work among them. Their imitation of Paul (and, by extension, of the Lord) consists not in copying behavior but in embracing a pattern of faith marked by suffering accompanied by joy.

Finally, the chapter situates the Thessalonian community within a broader social and religious landscape.

Their conversion is described as a decisive turning away from idols toward the worship of a living and active God, a move that carried real social consequences in a polytheistic city. At the same time, their new identity is oriented toward the future: they live in expectation of deliverance at the coming of Jesus (parousia) from heaven.

This eschatological horizon frames their endurance, shaping the community as both a product of divine action and a visible sign of the gospel’s spread in the wider world.

1 Thessalonians 2: Summary & Commentary

In chapter 2, Paul reflects at length on his initial visit to Thessalonica and the nature of his relationship with the community. 

He reminds the believers that his preaching took place amid opposition and suffering, yet was marked by courage and sincerity. Paul denies any improper motives, insisting that neither flattery, greed, nor a desire for human approval shaped his conduct. 

He describes his ministry in familial terms, likening himself and his companions first to a nursing mother and then to a father who exhorts his children. The chapter concludes with Paul’s gratitude that the Thessalonians accepted the message as God’s word rather than a human invention, as well as his acknowledgment that they now share in the same pattern of suffering experienced by earlier believers.

The extended self-presentation in this chapter is best understood as a deliberate defense prompted by criticism of Paul and his mission. In his Commentary, Leon Morris emphasizes that Paul is responding to concrete accusations that threatened to undermine his credibility: charges typical of those leveled against itinerant preachers in the Greco-Roman world. 

Paul counters these by repeatedly appealing to what the Thessalonians themselves know from firsthand experience. Rather than invoking apostolic status or demanding trust, he grounds his argument in observable behavior and shared memory, making the community itself the primary witness to his integrity.

Central to Paul’s defense is the insistence that both the message and the messengers were shaped by divine rather than human concerns. 

Morris highlights Paul’s careful denial of three specific failings (error, impurity, and deception) covering content, motive, and method. 

The language of “flattery” and “greed” points to strategic insincerity and self-interest, traits commonly associated with religious entrepreneurs. Against this backdrop, Paul’s reference to “the gospel of God” functions theologically and rhetorically.

It redirects attention away from the preacher as originator and toward God as the source and guarantor of the message. In other words, Paul presents himself not as an innovator but as one entrusted with a message that he must faithfully pass on.

The chapter’s closing movement reinforces this portrait by linking Paul’s conduct to the ethical formation of the community. Morris draws attention to Paul’s parental metaphors, which convey both tenderness and moral responsibility. 

The imagery underscores that proclamation and personal example are inseparable: Paul’s authority rests not on coercion but on lived commitment and self-giving care. By affirming that the Thessalonians accepted the message as God’s word and endured suffering as a result, Paul integrates past experience with present faithfulness.

Chapter 2 thus secures the moral and theological credibility on which the letter’s subsequent exhortations depend, presenting Paul’s mission as costly, transparent, and fundamentally oriented toward God rather than human approval.

1 Thessalonians 3: Summary & Commentary

In chapter 3, Paul explains why he sent Timothy to Thessalonica when he himself was unable to return. 

Concerned about the community’s stability amid affliction, Paul dispatched Timothy to strengthen and encourage them and to learn about the state of their faith. Timothy’s return with positive news brings Paul great relief and joy, reassuring him that the Thessalonians remain steadfast and continue to remember him fondly. 

The chapter concludes with Paul’s prayer that God would allow him to visit them again, that their love might increase, and that they would be established in holiness in preparation for the coming of the Lord.

The opening movement of the chapter (3:1-5) is best read as an explanation of how Paul responded pastorally to enforced separation. Wanamaker notes that Timothy is sent as Paul’s authorized representative, functioning as an extension of Paul’s own apostolic presence when personal return proved impossible. 

The language of strengthening and encouragement points to more than emotional reassurance. To be more concrete, it reflects concern that the Thessalonians’ commitment might be unsettled by ongoing affliction. 

Paul’s anxiety that his labor could prove “in vain” underscores the fragility of a recently formed community exposed to social pressure and opposition.

It’s important to note that suffering plays a central interpretive role in this section. Paul reminds the Thessalonians that affliction wasn’t unexpected but something for which they had already been prepared. 

The language of being “destined” for such trials frames suffering within a theological horizon rather than as accidental misfortune. 

Moreover, Paul presents hardship as an anticipated feature of Christian existence, one that tests perseverance but also confirms participation in a pattern that precedes ultimate deliverance. 

The concern expressed about the activity of “the tempter” further heightens the seriousness of the situation, portraying the Thessalonians’ endurance as a contested outcome rather than a foregone conclusion.

The tone of the chapter shifts markedly with Timothy’s return (3:6-10), which Paul describes as bringing “good news” about the community’s faith and love. 

This report reverses Paul’s earlier anxiety and provides encouragement to him amid his own distress. The reciprocity here is striking: Timothy was sent to encourage the Thessalonians, and now their steadfastness encourages Paul. 

Paul’s declaration that “now we live” if they stand firm expresses how closely his own sense of purpose is bound to their perseverance. His desire to return in order to “complete what is lacking” in their faith doesn’t imply deficiency but signals the need for continued instruction and formation.

The chapter concludes with a prayer that, per Wanamaker, functions as a transition to the exhortations that follow (3:11-13). 

Paul petitions God to remove obstacles to reunion, to increase the Thessalonians’ love for one another and for all, and to establish their hearts in holiness.

These themes anticipate the ethical instruction of the next section while remaining anchored in an eschatological outlook: holiness and love are oriented toward readiness for the Lord’s coming — a belief that Paul will develop more fully in the next chapter!

1 Thessalonians 4: Summary & Commentary

This chapter marks a clear transition from Paul’s earlier narrative and relational material into direct exhortation. 

Paul urges the Thessalonians to continue living in a way that pleases God, then addresses sexual conduct and calls them to holiness rather than passion. He next commends their mutual love but encourages them to live quietly, mind their own affairs, and work with their hands so as to behave properly toward outsiders and avoid dependence on others.

The chapter concludes with Paul’s most extended discussion so far of the fate of believers who have died. He reassures the community that the dead will not be disadvantaged at the Lord’s coming, and he depicts the sequence of end-time events culminating in believers being with the Lord forever.

The paraenetic opening (4:1-2) functions as a hinge between what precedes and what follows. Paul’s tone, as Best notes, combines encouragement with moral urgency: the Thessalonians are doing well, but they are urged to “excel still more.” 

The effect is rhetorically significant. Rather than introducing a new “rulebook,” Paul frames his instruction as continuity with what they have already learned. In other words, he gives them an intensification of an existing pattern of life. 

The repeated emphasis on how they “ought to live” signals that Christian commitment isn’t merely assent to a message but participation in a way of life shaped by the Lord’s authority.

The first major ethical focus (4:3-8) concerns sexual conduct, and the logic is framed explicitly as “sanctification,” that is, belonging to God in a way that entails embodied discipline. 

Best notes that Paul’s appeal here is practical formation for Gentile converts whose surrounding social environment normalizes forms of sexual behavior Paul now rejects. The aim isn’t simply prohibition, but a reorientation: believers are to act in “holiness and honor,” not in the compulsions of passion associated with those who “do not know God.” 

This passage contains difficult wording (not least the language about “vessel”), but its practical thrust remains clear: sexuality is brought under a moral horizon that is simultaneously communal (it affects others) and theological (it answers to God).

Paul then shifts (4:9-12) from sexual ethics to communal stability, and the movement is smoother than it may appear at first glance. After affirming that they already practice love broadly, Paul specifies what love should look like in daily social behavior: a quiet life, attention to one’s own affairs, and manual work. 

For Paul, these social practices are designed to protect the community’s reputation among outsiders and to keep believers from becoming burdensome to others. In other words, he treats ordinary economic and social conduct as part of Christian witness, the mundane arena in which love and holiness acquire visibility and credibility.

The final and most theologically charged unit (4:13-18) addresses anxiety generated by the deaths of some believers before the expected coming of the Lord. 

The pastoral problem was the fear that the dead may miss out on the climactic hope of the community.

Paul answers by insisting that the dead will not be at a disadvantage: the sequence he outlines culminates in reunion: first the dead in Christ, then the living, together meeting the Lord.

The emphasis falls less on speculative description than on reassurance and solidarity: the deceased and the living alike share the same end. In this aspect, Paul’s concluding imperative (“encourage one another with these words”) makes explicit what the entire passage is doing.

At precisely this point, Schnelle explains (in a way that also captures the broader atmosphere of the letter):

Read within the chapter’s full paraenetic arc, 4:13-18 doesn’t interrupt the ethical instruction but completes it. 

In other words, the Thessalonians are being formed into a community that is morally distinct (4:3-8), socially credible (4:9-12), and eschatologically oriented (4:13-18). 

The final vision (believers together with the Lord) functions thus as the deep grammar of endurance and mutual encouragement. In that sense, the chapter’s ethical demands and its eschatological consolation belong to a single pastoral strategy.

They shape a way of life that is coherent in the present precisely because it’s anchored in what the community believes is coming.

1 Thessalonians 5: Summary & Commentary

The final chapter of 1 Thessalonians continues Paul’s discussion of the end times by turning from the fate of the dead to the conduct of the living.

He warns that the day of the Lord will come unexpectedly and urges the believers to remain alert, sober, and prepared. Paul then offers a series of instructions for life within the community: respecting those who labor among them, caring for different kinds of members, rejecting retaliation, and pursuing what is good. 

The fifth chapter concludes with short exhortations concerning joy, prayer, gratitude, and discernment of spiritual gifts, followed by a prayer for complete sanctification and a brief closing that emphasizes public reading of the letter and mutual blessing.

The opening section (5:1-11) reframes eschatology as a matter of present identity rather than future calculation. While Paul insists that no timetable can be given for the day of the Lord, this very uncertainty becomes the basis for exhortation. 

Drawing on prophetic language, Paul (5:3-5) contrasts those who speak of “peace and security” with those who live in readiness, thereby establishing a clear boundary between insiders and outsiders. 

Hanna Roose, in Der erste und zweite Thessalonicherbrief. Die Botschaft des Neuen Testaments (The First and Second Letters to the Thessalonians: The Message of the New Testament), emphasizes that this passage is designed to stabilize the community’s self-understanding. 

Believers are presented as “children of light” whose vigilance and sobriety flow from who they already are, not from anxiety about when the end will come.

Referring to 1 Thessalonians 5:3-5, she explains:

Eschatology thus becomes both consoling and exhortative, holding together assurance and responsibility.

In the middle of the chapter (5:12-15), Paul turns from cosmic imagery to concrete community life. Leadership is here described functionally rather than institutionally, focusing on labor, care, and admonition rather than titles or offices. 

Responsibility for communal health is broadly shared: the unruly are to be warned, the fainthearted encouraged, the weak supported, and patience extended to all. Retaliation is explicitly rejected, replaced by an active pursuit of good within and beyond the community. 

These instructions reinforce the letter’s consistent emphasis that Christian existence is corporate and relational, sustained by practices that preserve peace and cohesion in a fragile and pagan social environment.

The closing exhortations and prayer (5:16-28) gather the chapter’s themes into a final, concentrated appeal. Joy, prayer, and gratitude are presented as fundamental orientations toward God, not as situational responses. 

At the same time, charismatic expressions such as prophecy are neither suppressed nor uncritically embraced; they are to be tested, with what is good retained and what is evil rejected.

The concluding prayer for complete sanctification (spirit, soul, and body) returns to the letter’s central concern with holiness and readiness for the Lord’s coming, grounding that hope in God’s faithfulness rather than human effort.

In this way, chapter 5 brings 1 Thessalonians to a close by integrating eschatological expectation, communal discipline, and divine assurance into a single, coherent vision of early Christian life.

Conclusion

Read as a whole, 1 Thessalonians emerges as a remarkably coherent and historically revealing document: a letter that integrates pastoral care, communal ethics, and eschatological hope into a single vision of early Christian life. 

Its value lies, among other things, in the clarity with which it exposes Paul’s theology in motion, addressing real anxieties, shaping communal practices, and negotiating hope under pressure.

If this doesn’t immediately quicken the pulse of every history student upon first hearing its title, I don’t know what will! As it turns out, the earliest surviving Christian document isn’t flashy, but, in numerous ways, it’s foundational.

And, as is often the case in history, the texts that initially seem the least dramatic are the ones that end up telling us the most!

Who Wrote Colossians? (The Answer May Surprise You!)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

The Epistle to the Colossians occupies an important yet contested place within the Pauline corpus. Traditionally attributed to the apostle Paul and addressed to a Christian community in Asia Minor, the letter has long been read as an authoritative expression of Pauline theology and church practice. Modern critical scholarship, however, has raised sustained and substantial questions about this attribution. So who wrote Colossians?

In this article I’ll investigate the authorship of Colossians by focusing on two major lines of evidence: literary style and theological content. By situating Colossians within these scholarly discussions, we can clarify why most contemporary scholars question Pauline authorship and explore what can be said about the letter’s origin and purpose. Rather than diminishing the importance of Colossians, these questions illuminate how later generations of believers  interpreted, adapted, and transformed Paul’s legacy.

By the way, if you’re interested in Paul and early Christianity, check out Bart Ehrman’s online course “Paul and Jesus.”

Audience and Dating for Colossians

The Epistle to the Colossians begins with an opening greeting typical of ancient letters. These prescripts or salutations normally identified the letter’s author and the intended recipient or audience. Thus, in Colossians 1:1-2, we read

The author of this letter explicitly claims to be the apostle Paul writing to the Colossae church in Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey). However, for reasons that we’ll examine here, Pauline authorship of this letter has been highly disputed.

In terms of dating the composition of the letter, opinions have differed, although since the 19th century, scholarly views have usually placed the date later. For example, writing in the 1977 version of The New Oxford Annotated Bible with Apocrypha, eminent New Testament scholar Bruce Metzger argued that the letter to the Colossians was indeed written by Paul in the 60s CE. If this is the case, it would be one of Paul’s last writings, as he is traditionally believed to have died in Rome around 64 CE. Other modern scholars, such as N.T. Wright, for example, also believe that Paul wrote Colossians (see his commentary Colossians and Philemon)

However, the general scholarly consensus says that Paul did not write Colossians. Instead, a majority of biblical scholars argue that it was written in Paul’s name after his death by one of his followers, sometime between 70 and 100 CE.

The reasons for doubting Paul’s authorship fall into two major categories, focusing on differences between the style and content in Colossians and the undisputed letters of Paul (Romans, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon). However, while a majority of scholars claim that Colossians is a forgery, I must acknowledge that its authorship remains technically disputed.

One way to approach the question of authorship is to analyze the written style of Colossians.

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The Style of Colossians

At the most basic level, the sentence lengths of Colossians differ from that of Paul’s undisputed letters. Paul tended to write in short, concise sentences like this:

There is absolutely nothing wrong with these sentences, in English or Greek, but they are characteristically short and to-the-point. Typical sentences in Colossians, however, look more like this:

As you can see, the sentences in Colossians are more complex, with multiple clauses. Of course, we’re looking at these sentences in translation. In A Brief Introduction to the New Testament, Bart Ehrman notes that in the original Greek, the sentences are even longer; the English translators broke them up into shorter sentences for easier comprehension. Ehrman points out, for instance, that Colossians 1:3-8 in Greek is just one long sentence, while in English, it's five sentences. Linguistically, Colossians was almost certainly written by someone with a very different style from Paul’s.

Moreover, there are several more stylistic differences, although some of them are very technical. Based on an important study of Colossians done by Walter Bujard in 1973, Ehrman also points out that Paul’s uses conjunctions (words used to connect parts of a sentence like “that”, “as”, “but”) is far less often in Colossians than in the undisputed letters. For example, three of the undisputed letters, Galatians, Philippians, and 1 Thessalonians, use conjunctions more than twice as often as Colossians does. It’s a major stylistic difference.

Furthermore, the undisputed letters use the infinitive (the verb form which in English uses “to”: to go, to run, to read) more than three times as often as Colossians. Stylistically, all of this evidence makes it highly unlikely that Paul wrote the letter to the Colossians. Stylistic features like this are unlikely to change so dramatically, even over the course of years.

The Content of Colossians

While sophisticated linguistic analysis of the differences between Colossians and the undisputed letters raise scholarly questions about Pauline authorship, no special training is needed to see that the subject matter of Colossians undermines some of the typical theological views of Pauline letters.

One of these doctrinal differences has to do with time and salvation. J. Paul Sampley writes in the HarperCollins Study Bible that in Paul’s undisputed letters, Paul “scrupulously affirms that believers have died with Christ but have not yet been raised with him.” The resurrection is a future event, which is why Paul always uses the future tense to talk about it:

By contrast, Sampley notes that Colossians “asserts that believers already share Christ’s resurrection”:

Bart Ehrman notes that, for the author of Colossians, Christians

Another major difference comes with Colossians’ view of family dynamics. For instance, in The Jewish Annotated New Testament, Peter Zaas writes that “in his authentic letters, Paul’s description of marital relationships is remarkably nonhierarchical.” For example, take a look at what Paul writes in 1 Corinthians 7:1-4:

In Paul’s 1st-century world, this is an unusually egalitarian view of marriage. However, Colossians views marriage and the general household order differently, more in line with Roman family values, as it turns out:

As Jennifer Berenson writes in the New Oxford Annotated Bible with Apocrypha,

Finally, the person who wrote the Book of Colossians has a very high Christology. That is, he emphasizes Christ’s divine nature, his pre-existence, and his superhuman attributes over his human nature:

In Forgery and Counterforgery: The Use of Literary Deceit in Early Christian Polemics, Bart Ehrman points out that

There are other differences between Colossians and the authentic Pauline letters, but this evidence should suffice to show why the vast majority of biblical scholars do not believe that Colossians was written by Paul. So who did write it?

The unfortunate truth is that we will never know who wrote Colossians for certain. Ehrman proposes that the author was a member of one of Paul’s churches “who saw the apostle as an ultimate authority figure.” The author may have had access to Paul’s letters, which he used for a model to address problems in his particular church.

On the other hand, if the authorship is false, it is also possible that the church problems written about are false as well. Sampley argues that it was likely written “at a post-Pauline time when women’s roles [in the church] were diminished and when relationships within the household were once again accommodated to the wider culture.”

Conclusion

The Epistle to the Colossians is a letter written by someone claiming to be the apostle Paul, apparently to a Christian community in the city of Colossae. If, as most scholars believe, it was pseudonymous, this might explain the differences between this letter and the undisputed letters of Paul.

In terms of style, the author of Colossians writes in long, complicated sentences, much longer in Greek, in fact, than in English translations. In addition, close technical study of the author’s use of language shows that the frequency with which he applies certain linguistic features makes it seem highly implausible that it was written by Paul. While one’s writing style can change, of course, the consistency with which these features are found in Paul’s undisputed letters makes it seem improbable that his style would have changed so dramatically by the time Colossians was written.

However, it is the theological content that really brings Colossians’ differences to the fore. Unlike Paul, the author of Colossians writes that, in some spiritual sense, Christians’ resurrection has already happened, something Paul never says in his authentic letters. In addition, while Paul seems to advocate an egalitarian model of marriage, Colossians instructs its readers to conform to Roman norms of family hierarchy, with the father, or paterfamilias, in charge of everyone. This results in the wife behaving submissively toward him, and slaves obeying unquestioningly. Finally, the high Christology of Colossians goes far beyond any of Paul’s writings, sounding more like the prologue of the Gospel of John — “in the beginning was the Word” — than any of Paul’s descriptions of Christ.

While the letter’s authorship is still disputed, meaning we will never know for certain who wrote Colossians, most scholars today feel comfortable saying that it was written by someone other than Paul.

When Does the New Testament Start? (Timeline)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

The New Testament is often understood to begin with the birth of Jesus, but the historical and cultural forces that shaped its formation stretch back much further in time. Understanding when the New Testament starts involves more than turning the page from Malachi, the last book of the Old Testament canon, to Matthew. It means understanding a rich tapestry of political upheaval, religious transformation, and imperial ambition. 

So when does the New Testament start? In this article, I’ll explore some of the history, people, and writings that bridge the centuries between the Old and New Testaments, as well as the composition of some of the earliest New Testament writings.

Before we begin, however, take a look at this chart showing some of the key historical developments before and during the formation of the New Testament.

What Book Starts the New Testament?

As some have pointed out, despite the fact that all the biblical books are placed within a cover marked “Bible,” the Bible is more like a library than a book. It is filled with books written by many different authors at different times, in different places and under different circumstances. In addition, the books, both in the OT and NT, are not arranged in the order in which they were written. So where and when did the Old Testament end — when was the last book written chronologically — and when did the New Testament begin?

The last book written in the Old Testament was the book of Daniel, as Bart Ehrman notes. It consists of many different tales and its final form came together around 164 BCE. One way we know it was written so late is that, despite its claim to be written in the 6th century BCE, it mentions events that happened much closer to its true date of authorship. Principally, it tells of the Seleucid Empire’s rule of Judea after the death of Alexander the Great. The Seleucid emperor, Antiochus IV Epiphanies, oppressed the Jewish people, trying to stop Jewish religious practices and force them to become more culturally Greek.

So if the last book of the OT was written around 164 CE, how long was the space between that and the first book of the NT? Well, since Paul wrote his earliest surviving letter, 1 Thessalonians, around 50 CE, that means there were approximately 214 years between the writing of Daniel and the writing of 1 Thessalonians. Of course, it’s important to remember that just because Paul wrote at that time doesn’t mean that his writing was initially considered scripture. That process took a very long time, as you can see in this article on the formation of the biblical canon.

By the way, since the Gospel of Matthew was written no earlier than 80 CE, there was a gap of at least 244 years between the writing of Daniel and the writing of the Gospel of Matthew.

Key Events Leading up to the New Testament

As you can see,  the chart above starts with the declaration of the divination of Julius Caesar around 44 BCE. Why is this important to the events of the NT? This declaration created the Roman imperial cult, the practice of venerating emperors as gods after their deaths (and sometimes while they were alive). In fact, Caesar’s family had long linked their lineage to the mythological demi-god Aeneas, whose mother was said to be the goddess Venus.

Even though Julius Caesar was hated as a tyrant by many and thus assassinated, a fervent cult formed around worshipping him as a god after his death. The Roman senate, many of whom had participated in the assassination, eventually felt pressured by the popularity of this cult to officially declare Caesar a god.

Following Caesar’s death, a civil war erupted between Octavian, who was Caesar’s grand-nephew and had been adopted by Caesar as his son, and Mark Antony, one of Caesar’s generals and greatest supporters. Octavian won the war, becoming the emperor Augustus. Statues and inscriptions of him gave him titles like “son of a god,” and “savior of the world.” If these seem familiar, it’s because Paul and other Christians later used them as titles for Jesus.

The other important historical ruler leading up to the birth of Jesus was Herod the Great, ruler of Judea as a client king of Rome. This meant that Rome was in charge but delegated day-to-day rule to Herod, as long as he looked after Rome’s interests in the region.

Herod ruled Judea from 37 BCE until his death in 4 BCE. If, as scholars say, Jesus was born sometime between 6 and 4 BCE, this means he and Herod might have overlapped by a couple of years. For that reason, it’s clear that the Herod in Matthew 2, who commands the killing of so many infants, is supposed to be Herod the Great. Every other mention of Herod in the Gospels refers to Herod the Great’s son, Herod Antipas.

Where and When Does the New Testament Start?

Since the first four books of the New Testament are the four Gospels, we can say that the story they tell begins with events around the birth and ministry of Jesus. Where does the New Testament start according to the location-based details within those books? The Gospel of Matthew is its first book, and Matthew’s birth story for Jesus begins in Bethlehem in Judea but then shifts to Nazareth, the village which the Gospel of Mark calls Jesus’ hometown (Mark 6:1).  Luke’s birth story begins in Nazareth — apparently Mary and Joseph’s hometown — shifts to Bethlehem for the birth, and then returns to Nazareth.

As I mentioned above, most scholars place Jesus’ birth between 6 and 4 BCE. In The Historical Jesus: A Guide for the Perplexed, Helen Bond notes that the lack of precision in dating Jesus’ birth is probably due to the fact that “the first Christians were interested primarily in Jesus’ ministry and death” rather than his birth. This is why Mark, our earliest written Gospel, has no birth story at all. Bond goes on to say that people “may have remembered Jesus as a man in his thirties” and, therefore, calculated back from this for a general sense of when he was born.

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After Herod the Great’s death, the Romans divided his kingdom among his three sons: Herod Archelaus ruled most of Judea and Samaria, Philip ruled the northeast regions, and Herod Antipas ruled Galilee and Perea. Why does this matter to our NT accounts? Because Jesus was born, raised, and spent nearly his whole life and ministry in the region known as Galilee. That’s where the beginning and bulk of the Gospels take place.

In 6 CE, the people of Judea appealed to Rome, asking them to depose one of Herod’s sons, Herod Archelaus, for cruelty and administrative incompetence. Rome agreed, removing Archelaus and incorporating Judea into its Syrian province which was then ruled by a Roman prefect. The first prefect was named Publius Sulpicius Quirinius and is mentioned in Luke 2:1-2, although scholars have determined that Luke got the date of Quirinius’ census wrong.

Jesus’ ministry, then, coincided not only with local changes in rulers, but also with administrative changes to the rule of Judea by Rome. While it’s hard to be certain about how long Jesus’ ministry lasted — if calculated from John, it would be three years, while calculated from the Synoptics, it might only be one — we know that it must have begun in the mid-to-late 20s CE. Jesus was then crucified about 30 CE in Jerusalem, the capital city of Judea. The fact that Judea was ruled by Rome is significant, of course, because crucifixion could only have been performed by Roman authorities.

Our Earliest Christian Writings

To date, the letters of Paul are our earliest Christian writings. In the New Testament, thirteen letters are attributed to Paul, although most scholars agree that he only wrote seven of them: Galatians, Romans, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians, Philemon, Philippians, and 1 Thessalonians. The others, 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, Titus, 2 Thessalonians, Ephesians, and Colossians are widely believed to be written by someone else in Paul’s name after his death, as Bart Ehrman writes in The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings:

That said, Paul’s authentic letters are an invaluable source for understanding early Christian history and theology. In his letters, Paul is usually addressing problems and questions from Christian communities he founded or co-founded (Romans is the exception to this. He didn’t found that group). In other words, these are occasional letters, not general theology.

Although Paul’s conversion probably happened just a few years after Jesus’ death, our earliest letter from him is 1 Thessalonians, written around 49-51 CE. Given Paul’s penchant for letter-writing, there were probably many more letters that unfortunately have not survived. The last of his letters that we still have, 2 Corinthians, was written around 57 CE.

Paul traveled the Roman Empire, founding Christian communities, preaching to new converts, and dealing with conflicts in and among those communities. Our best guess is that he did this almost non-stop for close to 30 years before being arrested, transported to Rome, and ultimately being executed around 67 or 68 CE, during the reign of the Emperor Nero.

The Gospels: Dates and Places

Because they come first in the New Testament, and because they detail the life of Jesus, many people assume that the Gospels were written before Paul’ letters. However, we know that’s not the case. Mark, the earliest written Gospel we have, was written around 70 CE, around the same time that the Roman army destroyed the Temple in Jerusalem. However, most scholars don’t think Mark was written in Jerusalem,  but in Rome, although it's hard to be certain.

Matthew, the first book in the NT, was probably the 2nd Gospel to be written. Scholars generally place its composition between 80 and 90 CE. As with Mark, it’s hard to pinpoint where the Gospel was written, but many scholars believe it was composed in Antioch, Syria, a thriving center for early Christianity. One reason for this speculation, as Aaron Gale points out in the Jewish Annotated New Testament, is that Matthew is the only Gospel to claim that Jesus was known in Syria during his lifetime. In addition, an early Syrian Christian martyr, Ignatius of Antioch, demonstrates knowledge of Matthew’s Gospel in his letters written around 110 CE, our earliest reference to it.

Luke was written at the same time or just after Matthew, between 85 and 100 CE. The author of Luke also wrote the book of Acts, narrating what happened in the church’s early days after the death of Jesus. Matthew and Luke, by the way, both used Mark as a source while adding material from other sources, like the birth stories.

John was the last written canonical Gospel, probably composed between 90 and 110 CE. There is an ongoing scholarly debate about whether the author of John knew the other three Gospels. In his book The Gospel of John: A New History, for instance, Hugo Mendez argues that the author knew at least one of the Synoptic Gospels. What is certain, however, is that the exalted Christology of John sets it apart from the other Gospels.

Conclusion

The earliest Christian writings in the New Testament are Paul’s letters, written between 49 and 57 CE. The settings for the composition of these letters vary widely. While it’s always clear who he’s writing to, it’s not always as clear where he’s writing from. However, we know that Paul traveled far and wide preaching the Gospel and establishing Christian communities in many regions of the Roman Empire.

The Gospels, however, are almost entirely set either in Galilee where Jesus was raised and where he spent the vast majority of his life, or Jerusalem where he was crucified. There are some exceptions — in John, for instance, Jesus travels to Samaria — but it’s likely that Jesus lived a pretty provincial life in Galilee so the settings are limited.

When does the New Testament start? The Gospel of Mark was written first, around 70 CE or about 40 years after Jesus’ death. Matthew, the book that begins the New Testament, was written about 10-20 years later, between 80 and 90 CE. Luke was written sometime between 85 and 100 CE while John, the last Gospel to be written, was completed between 90 and 110 CE.

Given that, we can see how sociopolitical events, such as Roman control of Judea and Galilee, affected Jesus’ life. Client king Herod the Great ruled Judea under Rome’s control and then passed on the rule of his province to his sons after his death. One of these sons, Herod Antipas, killed John the Baptist, as narrated in the Gospels.

Despite his later importance on the world stage, Jesus and the authors of the books of the New Testament were people subject to the historical forces of their time and place (as are we all!).

Compare Greek Lexicons: Best Free, Online/App, and Book Options

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

If you're diving into the study of ancient Greek—especially for biblical purposes—a good Greek lexicon isn’t optional, it’s essential. Whether you're parsing New Testament texts or examining philosophical writings, the right lexicon can help unlock the appropriate meaning.

In this article, I’ll compare the best Greek lexicons available today, whether you’re looking for free online databases, mobile apps, or scholarly books you can keep on your desk. I’ll help you navigate the strengths and weaknesses of each option so you can choose the lexicon that fits your needs and study style.

My #1 choice for best Greek lexicon is the BDAG known as the most comprehensive lexicon.

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What is a Greek Lexicon?

The word lexicon is a Greek word which literally meant “words.” It follows, therefore, that a lexicon is a book related to words, but since that’s way too general (aren’t all books related to words?), let’s look into the modern meaning of a lexicon and how it differs from a dictionary.

We all know that a dictionary is a reference book that lists words and their definitions (plus some grammatical info) in the same language. For instance, look up the word “chair” in the Merriam-Webster dictionary and you’ll see that it means “a seat typically having four legs and a back for one person.” It will also contain other definitions and usages of the word.

Then, there are bilingual dictionaries. For example, an English-Greek dictionary allows you to look up a word in English and discover its equivalent in Greek. Look up the word “brother,” for instance, and you’ll see that the word in Greek is adelphos. It also tells you grammatical information, such as what part of speech it is and its grammatical gender (for languages like Greek where that applies).

However, for scholars of ancient texts like the Bible, a Greek-English lexicon is far more useful. It acts like a bilingual dictionary, but gives additional information that dictionaries don’t. For example, it gives more information than a dictionary about a word’s etymology, meaning, and usage, but it also puts the word in its historical context by citing different instances of it in ancient written works.

Since the meaning of words changes over time, a lexicon will tell you that, for example, in one of Plato’s dialogues, a word meant one thing, while in a biblical text (written long after Plato’s time), it meant something different. This is extremely helpful for biblical scholars who are trying to decipher the intended meanings of ancient texts.

A good example of this is the word “heresy” (Greek: hairesis). In an ancient Greek lexicon, we can see that the original meaning of the word was “choice or choosing.” English translations of the New Testament usually don’t translate this word as “heresy” because in the context of much of the NT, the original meaning applied, often used as a word for different forms or groups of the same religion. For this reason, most English translations translate the word as “sect”:

The passage isn’t saying the Sadducees were heretics, but rather one choice among the various Jewish religious groups. However, by the time we get to the book of 2 Peter, likely written a couple of decades after Acts, the meaning seems to have changed:

It’s clear from this sentence that the meaning is now completely negative, something propagated by false teachers who claim to be Christians. This is the kind of change over time that a lexicon can give you.

For good measure, here is part of an online lexicon entry for the Greek word alētheia:

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Best Free Greek Lexicons

Unsurprisingly, the best free Greek lexicons are found online. None are perfect, but keep in mind that, in general, you get what you pay for.

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Conclusion

Words are not static. Many used for centuries have evolved to mean something completely different from their original versions. This is especially true if you’re studying ancient documents. Greek has changed so much since the time of Jesus that it is even difficult for many modern Greek readers to decipher. For this reason, a Greek lexicon can be an extremely useful tool if you’re exploring the Bible.

Lexicons can provide not only grammatical information about a word, but also the word’s historical context and the changes in meaning that have occurred over vast stretches of time. For serious students of biblical studies, including myself, a good Greek lexicon is indispensable.

How Many Prophecies Did Jesus Fulfill? (LIST)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

How many prophecies did Jesus fulfill? This question reminds me of an evening about a year ago, at a friend’s book promotion event in downtown Zagreb. After it ended, a group of us (writers, academics, and a few students) wandered off to a local bar to celebrate over beer and conversation. 

At some point in the evening, one of my friend’s colleagues, who also happened to be a former student of mine, asked about my recent work with Bart Ehrman and his team. That one question opened the floodgates to a full-blown discussion about the historical-critical method and the academic study of the Bible.

What struck me most was how quickly the conversation turned toward prophecy. My former student was eager to demonstrate — beyond any doubt — that Jesus is the resurrected Son of God. His primary piece of evidence? The Old Testament prophecies that Jesus allegedly fulfilled. For him, “allegedly” didn’t apply.

He spoke with full conviction: Jesus had, in fact, fulfilled dozens of predictions laid down centuries before his birth. Our discussion lasted more than an hour and reminded me just how deeply rooted this idea of fulfilled prophecy is in the Christian imagination. 

For countless believers, prophecy isn’t only a theological affirmation but also proof, almost mathematical in its force, that Jesus must be who the Gospels claim he is.

And yet, from a historian’s point of view, the matter is far more complex. What do we mean by “prophecy”? Are we speaking of direct predictions and their literal fulfillment? Or are we dealing with more symbolic, typological, or retrospective interpretations?

In this article, we’ll take a close look at 12 specific prophecies that Christians traditionally believe Jesus fulfilled. We’ll begin by asking what ancient Jews during the Second Temple period expected from a messiah in the first place. 

Then we’ll walk through 12 passages often cited as predictions of Jesus’ birth, life, and death, including a couple of alleged prophecy fulfillments found within the New Testament narrative itself.

Throughout, we’ll explore not just what Christians have long believed, but also how modern historical-critical scholars interpret some of these texts, offering a clearer sense of how early followers of Jesus read (and sometimes re-read) their scriptures in light of what they had come to believe about him.

Jewish Expectations of the Messiah in the Second Temple Period

To understand how many prophecies Jesus fulfilled, we first need to step back and explore the historical and religious landscape in which those prophecies took shape. Specifically, we need to ask what Jewish expectations of the Messiah actually looked like before Jesus began his public ministry.

Contrary to popular assumptions, there was no uniform or universally held concept of the Messiah in ancient Judaism. Instead, messianic hopes evolved, shaped by shifting political conditions, theological developments, and scriptural interpretations.

The term “Messiah” comes from the Hebrew mashiach, meaning “anointed one.” It was originally used for kings, priests, and sometimes prophets: Those consecrated for divine service by ritual anointing.

In the earliest biblical texts, the word didn’t necessarily denote a future deliverer or eschatological figure. In fact, for much of the Second Temple period (ca. 516 B.C.E.-70 C.E.), messianism didn’t occupy a central role in Jewish religious life. 

It was only with the emergence of Jewish apocalypticism in the 2nd century B.C.E. (a worldview marked by cosmic dualism, divine judgment, and expectation of imminent intervention and resurrection) that messianic hopes crystallized in new and urgent ways.

The Jewish experience of foreign domination, especially under the Seleucid and later Roman empires, further intensified longings for deliverance. 

As Gershom Scholem insightfully observed, when the Messianic idea gains force within Judaism, it does so “in the closest connection with apocalypticism.” In such moments, messianism becomes more than just a theological category. Rather, it becomes a fervent, even existential, hope.

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Yet even within this apocalyptic framework, there was no consensus about the Messiah’s identity or function. Jewish texts from the period offer a wide range of messianic portraits, often reflecting the diverse needs and imaginations of their communities.

Bart D. Ehrman and Hugo Mendez note:

These messianic expectations weren’t always mutually exclusive, but neither were they harmonized into a single, coherent doctrine. Instead, they coexisted in tension, offering a kind of open scriptural canvas onto which future hopes could be projected.

Understanding this diversity is important when evaluating how many prophecies Jesus fulfilled. If Jewish expectations were themselves varied and fluid, then any claim about Jesus fulfilling “the” messianic prophecies presumes a singular framework that didn’t exist at the time.

After briefly considering Jewish expectations of the Messiah during the Second Temple period, we can now turn to the next stage of our investigation: The specific prophecies Jesus fulfilled, at least according to traditional Christian belief.

How Many Prophecies Did Jesus Fulfill? A List of Notable Ones

How many prophecies did Jesus fulfill? For many Christian apologists, the answer is emphatic: A great many. In their book Evidence That Demands a Verdict, Josh and Sean McDowell summarize this view with a vivid metaphor:

Of course, the sheer number of proposed prophetic fulfillments varies widely depending on the interpreter: some count dozens, others claim hundreds. Given the constraints of space and the purpose of this article, we’ll not attempt to catalog every example.

What prophecies did Jesus fulfill? Here, we’ll focus on some of the most frequently cited examples, at least according to traditional Christian belief. Just as the early Christians did, we’ll start with the Old Testament prophecies.

But before we dive into the weeds, here’s a neat little cheat sheet: 12 of the most frequently mentioned prophecies Jesus is said to have fulfilled, served up in a tidy table (because who doesn’t love a good prophecy roundup?).

Old Testament Prophecies of Jesus

#1 – Isaiah 7:14

This Isaiah prophecy allegedly declared: “Behold, the virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and shall call his name Immanuel.”

In the Gospel of Matthew (1:22-23), this verse is explicitly quoted in connection with the birth of Jesus. After narrating the angel’s announcement to Joseph that Mary has conceived by the Holy Spirit, Matthew writes, “All this took place to fulfill what the Lord had spoken by the prophet,” followed by a direct citation of Isaiah’s words. For Matthew, Jesus’ miraculous conception is the fulfillment of this ancient prophecy.

#2 – Micah 5:2

Micah 5:2 reads, “But you, O Bethlehem Ephratah… from you shall come forth for me one who is to be ruler in Israel.” This prophecy is cited directly in Matthew 2:5-6, when the magi arrive in Jerusalem asking where the Messiah is to be born.

The chief priests and scribes respond by quoting Micah to indicate that the Messiah must come from Bethlehem. Matthew presents this as a clear fulfillment: Jesus, born in Bethlehem of Judea, is the promised ruler anticipated in Micah’s words.

#3 – Hosea 11:1

Hosea 11:1 states, “Out of Egypt I called my son.” In Matthew 2:14-15, this verse is applied to Jesus after Joseph takes Mary and the child to Egypt to escape King Herod’s massacre. When they later return, Matthew writes, “This was to fulfill what the Lord had spoken by the prophet, ‘Out of Egypt I called my son.’”

Though Hosea originally refers to Israel’s exodus, Matthew interprets the verse typologically, presenting Jesus as reliving and fulfilling the story of Israel.

#4 – Zechariah 9:9

Zechariah 9:9 proclaims: “Rejoice greatly, O daughter of Zion… Behold, your king is coming to you… humble and mounted on a donkey.” This prophecy is directly linked to Jesus’ entry into Jerusalem in Matthew 21:4-5, where the evangelist quotes the verse as Jesus rides a donkey into the city.

This event, now celebrated as Palm Sunday, is presented by Matthew as a deliberate fulfillment of Zechariah’s words.

#5 – Isaiah 53: The Suffering Servant

This is probably the most famous prophecy that Jesus, according to the traditional Christian view, fulfilled. Isaiah 53 contains a vivid description of a servant who suffers on behalf of others: “He was despised and rejected by men… pierced for our transgressions… and with his wounds we are healed.”

Though Isaiah 53 is never quoted in full in one location, its language is woven throughout the New Testament to portray Jesus’ passion and crucifixion. Also, early Christians consistently viewed Jesus’ suffering and death as a realization of this servant’s fate.

#6 – Psalm 22: Pierced Hands and Feet

Psalm 22 is a lament that begins with the haunting cry, “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” This is a line that Jesus utters from the cross in Matthew 27:46 and Mark 15:34. The psalm continues with striking imagery: “They have pierced my hands and feet,” and “They divide my garments among them, and for my clothing they cast lots.”

These verses are echoed in the crucifixion narratives of John 19:23-24 and John 19:37, where the Gospel writer presents them as direct fulfillments of prophecy.

#7 – Malachi 3:1/Isaiah 40:3: John the Baptist as Forerunner

As we move into the New Testament, prophecy language doesn’t subside. We find the prophetic typology even before Jesus’ birth in none other than John the Baptist!

Malachi 3:1 declares, “Behold, I send my messenger, and he will prepare the way before me,” while Isaiah 40:3 speaks of “a voice crying in the wilderness: ‘Prepare the way of the Lord.’” These two texts are merged in Matthew 3:3, Mark 1:2-3, and Luke 3:4-6 to identify John the Baptist as the prophetic forerunner who prepares the way for Jesus.

#8 – Psalm 41:9: Betrayal by a Friend

Psalm 41:9 laments, “Even my close friend in whom I trusted, who ate my bread, has lifted his heel against me.” This verse is quoted in John 13:18 during the Last Supper, as Jesus predicts that one of his disciples will betray him.

By citing this psalm, the Gospel of John frames Judas Iscariot’s betrayal not merely as a tragic turn of events but as the fulfillment of Scripture.

#9 – Zechariah 11:12-13: Thirty Pieces of Silver

Zechariah 11:12-13 describes a shepherd being paid thirty pieces of silver, which he then throws into the house of the Lord. This passage is alluded to in Matthew 27:3-10, where Judas returns the silver he received for betraying Jesus and throws it into the temple.

Matthew presents this as a fulfillment of prophecy (though he attributes it mistakenly to Jeremiah rather than Zechariah), linking Judas’s remorse, the temple, and the purchase of the potter’s field to Zechariah’s imagery.

#10 – Isaiah 50:6/Micah 5:1: Spitting and Striking

Isaiah 50:6 says, “I gave my back to those who strike, and my cheeks to those who pull out the beard; I hid not my face from disgrace and spitting.” Similarly, Micah 5:1 includes the phrase, “With a rod they strike the judge of Israel on the cheek.”

These images of humiliation and violence are echoed in the Passion narratives, particularly in Matthew 26:67 and Mark 14:65, where Jesus is spit upon, beaten, and struck by the religious authorities. The Gospel writers implicitly connect these actions to the suffering servant mentioned in the Old Testament books.

#11 – Psalm 34:20/Exodus 12:46: Bones Not Broken

Psalm 34:20 declares, “He keeps all his bones; not one of them is broken,” and Exodus 12:46 instructs that the bones of the Passover lamb must not be broken. These verses converge in John 19:33-36, where the soldiers, finding Jesus already dead, refrain from breaking his legs.

John interprets this detail as a fulfillment of Scripture, linking Jesus both to the righteous sufferer of the Psalms and to the imagery of the Passover lamb, whose integrity was to be preserved in sacrifice.

#12 – Zechariah 12:10: “They Will Look on Him Whom They Have Pierced”

Zechariah 12:10 states, “They will look on me, on him whom they have pierced, and they shall mourn for him.” This verse is quoted in John 19:37, immediately following the account of Jesus being pierced by a soldier’s spear while on the cross.

The Gospel writer presents this moment as a direct fulfillment of Zechariah’s prophecy, emphasizing the physical piercing of Jesus and the emotional response it elicits.

How Many Prophecies Did Jesus Fulfill? Scholarly Answer

What do we make of these examples? Is it really possible to determine how many prophecies Jesus fulfilled? How many prophecies did Jesus not fulfill? For scholars like me, the answer to the second question is far less straightforward than many conservative apologists would suggest.

While traditional interpretations often present these connections as clear-cut fulfillments, the historical and literary contexts of the original texts paint a different picture.

Since we’re limited in space, we won’t examine each example in depth. Instead, we’ll focus on two of the most prominent and frequently cited cases: the virgin birth and the suffering servant from the Book of Isaiah.

Isaiah's Prophecy and the Virgin Birth

Before we begin our analysis, it’s important to clarify a common misunderstanding found in many conservative Christian readings of prophecy. Apologists often assume that the Old Testament prophets were predicting future events in a straightforward, predictive sense, anticipating specific details about Jesus centuries in advance.

In this view, Isaiah, for instance, knowingly foresaw and described the virgin birth of Christ. But this assumption runs counter to how Old Testament prophecies were understood and interpreted in the Second Temple Period and how modern scholars understand the historical contexts in which these texts were written.

As Peter Enns explains in his excellent book, Inspiration and Incarnation:

A prime example of this interpretive tension appears in Isaiah 7:14, one of the most famous so-called “messianic prophecies.” The verse is quoted in Matthew 1:23 to support the claim that Jesus’ birth fulfilled Scripture.

But here lies the crux of the problem. The Hebrew text of Isaiah doesn’t use the word for “virgin” (betulah), but instead uses ‘almah, a term that more generally means “young woman” and carries no necessary implication of virginity.

When the author of Matthew’s Gospel cited this passage, he relied not on the Hebrew Bible but on the Septuagint, the Greek translation of the Hebrew Scriptures, in which the word parthenos (a term that can mean “virgin”) was used.

Thus, the idea of a miraculous virgin birth wasn’t present in Isaiah’s original Hebrew but rather emerged later through translation and retrospective theological interpretation.

The original context of Isaiah 7 is far removed from anything resembling a messianic prophecy. The historical setting involves a political crisis in the 8th century B.C.E.: The kings of Syria and Israel (also called Ephraim) have joined forces to invade Judah, causing panic in the court of King Ahaz.

The prophet Isaiah addresses Ahaz directly, urging him not to fear and assuring him that the alliance will fail. 

As a sign of divine reassurance, Isaiah points to a young woman (likely known to both Isaiah and Ahaz) who has already conceived a child. That child, he says, will be named Immanuel (“God with us”), and before the child is old enough to distinguish right from wrong, the immediate political threat will have passed.

Notably, there is no mention of the Messiah in this passage, no expectation of a future redeemer, and certainly no reference to a miraculous conception.

As the renowned scholar Raymond E. Brown explains in The Birth of the Messiah:

Isaiah 53 and the Suffering Servant

Another prominent example frequently cited as a prophecy Jesus fulfilled is Isaiah 53, a passage that has profoundly shaped Christian theology. This chapter belongs to a larger literary section known as Deutero-Isaiah (Isaiah 40-55), which scholars distinguish from the earlier chapters of the book. Deutero-Isaiah was likely composed during the Babylonian exile in the 6th century B.C.E. by a prophet whose name has not been preserved. 

This section is known for its emphasis on comfort, restoration, and divine deliverance, as well as for the so-called Servant Songs (poetic passages describing the mission and suffering of a mysterious “servant of the Lord”). 

Isaiah 53 is the fourth and most famous of these songs, presenting a vivid image of a servant who suffers unjustly and bears the consequences of others’ wrongdoing.

Early Christians found in this chapter a striking parallel to the life and death of Jesus. The themes of rejection, affliction, silence in the face of suffering, and being “pierced for our transgressions” seemed to resonate perfectly with the Passion narratives.

Thus, writing in the middle of the 2nd century, Justin Martyr notes:

As a result, Isaiah 53 became a cornerstone for the Christian understanding of atonement: That Jesus, though innocent, suffered and died for the sins of humanity. However, this interpretation relies heavily on retrospective reading: Reading the life of Jesus back into a text that, in its original historical and literary setting, had nothing to do with a future messiah.

In Second Temple Judaism before Christianity, there is no evidence of a belief in a messiah who would suffer and die for the sins of others. That concept simply didn’t exist in Jewish messianic expectation at the time.

Furthermore, a close reading reveals that the text isn’t about the future suffering at all. The suffering has already happened, and the author of Deutero-Isaiah predicts that the “person” who had suffered will eventually be vindicated by God! 

So who, then, was the “suffering servant” originally meant to be? One popular view among modern scholars of the Hebrew Bible is that the servant in Isaiah 53 was a symbolic or collective representation of Israel, the exiled nation that had endured humiliation, violence, and displacement at the hands of foreign powers.

Others argue that the servant may refer to a specific, historical individual. Joseph Blenkinsopp, in his Commentary on Isaiah, notes:

But in either case, the key point is that the servant’s suffering is understood within the framework of Israel’s national trauma and redemptive restoration. The servant suffers not as a substitutionary atonement in a future salvific drama, but as part of God's plan to vindicate and renew His people after exile.

Conclusion

How many messianic prophecies are there? The question always brings me back to that lively discussion I had a year ago in a crowded bar in downtown Zagreb. As I recall, my former student left that evening more convinced than ever that Jesus had fulfilled dozens (if not hundreds) of Old Testament prophecies in precise, predictive fashion:

OT prophecy predictions → Several hundred years pass → Prophecies are fulfilled by Jesus’ life, public ministry, and death

I didn’t begrudge him that conviction. I remember him saying repeatedly: “But Isaiah must have thought about Jesus!”

After all, when beliefs are deeply tied to one's religious identity, no amount of historical nuance or literary context can easily shift them. And that’s okay. Faith often operates on a different wavelength than historical analysis.

Still, as a historian of early Christianity, I approach this topic from a different angle. I don’t believe that Jesus fulfilled the most famous Old Testament prophecies in the predictive sense that many conservative interpreters assume. 

The original authors of these texts weren’t envisioning Jesus of Nazareth or any future messianic figure like him. What did happen, however, is far more fascinating: Convinced that Jesus had been raised from the dead and exalted by God, his earliest followers began re-reading their Scriptures through the lens of that belief. 

They searched their sacred texts not to see what would happen, but to make sense of what had already happened. In doing so, they participated in a long-standing Jewish tradition of interpretive reappropriation — a tradition shared by other Jewish groups, including later rabbinic communities, who likewise found fresh and often contradictory meaning in Biblical words.

So, how many prophecies did Jesus fulfill? If you're looking for mathematical precision or airtight predictions, the scholarly answer won’t satisfy you. But if you’re interested in the rich and complex ways that Scripture was interpreted, repurposed, and brought to life by ancient believers, then the story becomes far more compelling.

If you’d like to explore this topic in more depth, I highly recommend Peter Enns’ online course “Jesus and the Old Testament,” available through our Biblical Studies Academy platform. It’s a fascinating deep dive into how early Christians used the Old Testament stories and verses, often finding new meanings and ways of understanding.

Ephesians: Summary, Dating, and Authorship (CHART)

Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily match my own. - Dr. Bart D. Ehrman

The book of Ephesians is one of the most widely-read letters in the New Testament, partially because of its content but also due to debates over its authorship. Did Paul really write it as the letter claims, or was it someone else?

In this article I’ll investigate key aspects of the book of Ephesians, summarizing its content, dating, and authorship while also providing a chart to help outline its main themes and messages. Through examining the letter's theological teachings and ethical exhortations, I’ll explain why Ephesians continues to hold significance for scholars and modern Christian communities.

Background

Ephesians is the 10th book of the New Testament, a letter sent to a Christian community. The author claims to be the apostle Paul but the majority of scholars don’t believe Paul wrote the book. Instead, it is one of many biblical books known as pseudepigrapha, books claiming to be written by one person but actually written by another.

Who wrote Ephesians? Traditionally, the letter was thought to have been written by Paul around 62 CE when he was imprisoned in Rome. However, in The New Testament: A Historical Introduction to the Early Christian Writings, Bart Ehrman writes that most scholars have discarded this idea, believing instead that an anonymous author wrote the book long after Paul’s death, probably between the years 80 and 100 CE. However, the author clearly had a high regard for Paul and was probably a member of a Christian community founded by Paul, but likely never met him.

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Another interesting point involves the name of the book. It is called “Ephesians” because most modern English translations of the letter begin with the author’s greeting to “the saints who are in Ephesus (1:1).” Ephesus was a major city in the province of Asia Minor (modern-day Turkey) where Paul was thought to have established a church. However, Ehrman notes that our earliest and best manuscripts of Ephesians lack the words “in Ephesus,” making it likely that it was not written to a specific Christian community but rather as a kind of general letter intended to circulate to many communities.

Having established a bit of background, I offer here a chart summarizing the book of Ephesians.

Next, I’ll summarize each chapter in a bit more detail. In the Jewish Annotated New Testament, Maxine Grossman points out that Ephesians is generally split into two halves. Chapters 1-3 contain theological teachings as the basis for unity between Jews and Gentiles, and chapters 4-6 contain appeals to the audience to behave righteously in order to manifest that unity.

Ephesians 1 Summary

The first chapter begins with a traditional epistolary greeting from the author claiming to be Paul. As I noted above, most translations say it’s written to a church in Ephesus, but older manuscripts lack this information, instead saying that the letter is intended for “the saints who are faithful.”

The letter next explains the manifold blessings coming to the Gentile audience of the letter through Christ. We know right away that the intended audience consists of Gentiles because the author writes that they were adopted by God and, therefore, not originally God’s chosen people, the Jews. The blessings they receive through this divine adoption include redemption through Jesus’ blood and the forgiveness of sins.

Ephesians 2 Summary

In chapter 2, the author writes that his audience were “dead” in their sins before they encountered Christ. For this author, living sinfully is a kind of death. However, thanks to Christ’s sacrifice and the faith of these believers, they are now raised from their former death, as Christ was raised, and are, in a way, already seated with Christ in heaven.

This, by the way, is one way scholars know that Paul didn’t write this book. In the SBL Study Bible, J. Paul Sampley notes that in Paul’s authentic letters, the resurrection and glorification of Christians was always a future event, not a current one (see Romans 6:5, 1 Corinthians 15:21-23, Philippians 3:10-11).

In the last section of chapter 2, the author writes that since Gentiles have been adopted by God through Christ, there should be unity between Jewish and Gentile members of the church. Through this adoption process, Gentiles have become “fellow citizens with the saints and also members of the household of God” along with Jews.

Ephesians 3 Summary

At the beginning of chapter 3, “Paul” says he is a prisoner for his mission to the Gentiles, a mission for which he was chosen by God. In fact, he says that he is a servant of the gospel message. He emphasizes again that Gentiles are included in God’s plan through Jesus, and exhorts them not to lose faith as they experience suffering for Christ’s sake.

He then says a prayer for these Gentile Christ-followers, asking God to give them strength through Christ who dwells in their hearts. He prays also that they may be grounded in love. He says the love of Christ goes beyond all knowledge, helping Christians to comprehend God at a depth not otherwise possible.

Ephesians 4 Summary

The author begins this chapter by exhorting the audience to live in unity as one single “body of Christ (4:11-12)” by being humble, gentle and patient with each other. Continuing this metaphor, he writes that each person in the community has a different gift, that “some are apostles, prophets, evangelists, pastors and teachers.” Therefore, each plays a role in the community as body parts all have their own role in a single body. Working together as one, they serve “the head,” who the author says is Christ in this metaphor.

Next, the author says that since they are the body of Christ, the Gentiles who are his primary audience must change their ways, no longer sinning in greed and lust. Ancient Jewish stereotypes of Gentiles often depicted them living sinfully and selfishly (see, for example, Paul’s description in Rom 1:28-32). Instead they must put on holiness and righteousness, as they would put on new clothing, to fit with their new life in Christ. In fact, the final section details how to live this righteous life: don’t lie, steal, gossip, or act in anger. In addition, they should be kind and forgiving of each other.

Ephesians 5 Summary

Expanding further on the theme of righteous behavior, the author continues to equate non-Christian Gentiles with immoral behavior. He lists some of these behaviors, which his audience must now avoid, including sexual impurity and greed, as well as “obscene, silly, and vulgar talk (5:4)” and drunkenness. Steering clear of such behaviors is necessary in order to please God.

The final section of this chapter talks about how a Christian household should be run. The author begins with a statement that is controversial, if not offensive, to modern sensibilities: “Wives, be subject to your husbands as to the Lord, for the husband is the head of the wife just as Christ is the head of the church (5:22-23).” He goes on to say that husbands should also love their wives.

Ephesians 6 Summary

Chapter 6 continues the theme of the ideal Christian household, beginning with the relationship between parents and children. Children are told to obey their parents, as this is one of the Ten Commandments given to the Jewish people through Moses. Parents are told not to provoke their children to anger but to instruct and discipline them appropriately.

Next comes a discussion of how slaves and masters are to behave. Those of us living today can easily forget that, for the authors of the New Testament, slavery was considered a normal part of life. While there may have been some in the ancient world who criticized slavery as an immoral institution, none of the NT authors did. In Ephesians 6:5, the author simply says that slaves should “obey your earthly masters with respect and trembling, in singleness of heart, as you obey Christ.” It’s unfortunate, but in reading the Bible, we have to grapple with the uncomfortable and abhorrent realities of the ancient world. Masters, by the way, are told not to threaten their slaves.

The following section of chapter 6 speaks of spiritual warfare against evil, which the author calls “the cosmic powers of this present darkness (6:12).” Referring metaphorically to the armor worn by Roman soldiers in battle, the author writes that Christians must put on a belt of truth, a breastplate of righteousness, a shield of faith, a helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, “which is the word of God (6:14-17).”

The letter ends with the author commending someone named Tychicus to his audience, whom he will send as a messenger to them, after which there is a final benediction.

Conclusion

The book of Ephesians was written in Paul’s name by someone living long after Paul had died. Unfortunately, a lack of evidence prohibits us from knowing exactly who wrote Ephesians.

It was apparently written to Gentile Christians, possibly new converts, who are told that since they have been adopted through Christ into the family of God, they must change their behaviors and even their social identities. Accordingly, they must display unity with the Jewish members of their community since they are now all one “body of Christ.”

The letter’s first three chapters emphasize that Jesus’ sacrifice allowed them, the Gentile converts, to become one with God’s chosen people, the Jews. As such, they must follow the moral and ethical standards of the Jews rather than the (stereotypical) Gentile vices which lead to an impurity that is unacceptable to God.

The last three chapters then dictate this proper behavior in more detail. They include commands to maintain sexual purity, generosity, humbleness, and forbearance with each other. In addition, the letter says that through such behaviors, they are engaged in battle with evil forces for which they are metaphorically armed by righteous deeds and the word of God. It also details how spouses, parents and children, and slaves and masters are to treat each other in order to please God.

While most scholars do not believe this letter was written by Paul, it has remained an essential part of the biblical canon and is still widely read within Christian communities.